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This book draws upon original research into women's workplace protest to deliver a new account of working-class women's political identity and participation in post-war England. Focusing on the voices and experiences of women who fought for equal pay, skill recognition and the right to work between 1968 and 1985, it explores why working-class women engaged in such action when they did, and it analyses the impact of workplace protest on women's political identity. A combination of oral history and written sources are used to illuminate how everyday experiences of gender and class antagonism shaped working-class women's political identity and participation. The book contributes a fresh understanding of the relationship between feminism, workplace activism and trade unionism during the years 1968-1985

The 2016 EU Referendum has renewed the focus of historians and social scientists on Britain's historical relationship with Europe as they aim to develop a better understanding of 'the road to Brexit'. The development of Euroscepticism in Britain has often been approached from an elite perspective, with a focus on the conflicting ideas and arguments between politicians, political parties, and the media. This article builds on existing studies by focusing on popular attitudes to Europe during the early 1980s. We analyse responses to a 'special directive' issued by the Mass Observation Project in the autumn of 1982 to mark the ten-year anniversary of Britain joining the European Economic Community (EEC). Reading this previously overlooked material for categories, storylines, and other cultural resources, we identify four key grievances MO panellists shared as common-sense evaluations of Britain's membership of the EEC. We argue these grievances constituted a wider folk theory of Euroscepticism circulating in British society six years prior to Margaret Thatcher's Bruges speech and subsequent debates about further integration in the early 1990s. In developing this argument, we contribute a better understanding of the content and origins of popular Euroscepticism in the 1980s.

The EU Referendum of 2016 was one of the most significant events in recent British political history. It is widely recognised that citizens engaged with the referendum through understandings of Britain, the EU, the world, and their place in it. This study complements existing research where such understandings have been inferred from citizens' demographic characteristics, the characteristics of their localities/regions, or elite discourses. It builds on existing research where a more direct engagement with citizens' understandings has been achieved through interviews or focus groups, allowing the content of understandings to be thickly described. To these latter studies, this paper makes three main contributions. First, it focuses on popular imaginative geographies, which are conceptualised drawing on literatures in Geography and Political Science as fast-thinking heuristics. Second, it brings new evidence to the conversation in the form of volunteer writing for Mass Observation. Third, the focus is on the content of popular imaginative geographies, but also how and why such geographies were used by voters in the referendum. The main findings include that many Leave supporters imagined Britain as an island – either a once great military and imperial power, an island separate from Europe, needing freedom from Europe to engage in the wider world; or a small island, a full container, close to the rest of Europe and vulnerable to mobilities across Europe's borders. By contrast, many Remain supporters imagined Britain as post-imperial, small, vulnerable, and under threat of isolation from Europe and exposure to a chaotic, uncertain, dangerous world. Both groups engaged with the referendum through such popular imaginative geographies because the referendum presented voters with a difficult task, the campaigns provided few trustworthy facts, and voters therefore had to rely on cognitive shortcuts, including popular imaginative geographies.

1. Introduction -- 2.What is liminality in critical event studies research? -- 3. Liminality, subjectivity and aesthetics in event management studies -- 4. Liminality and event design: liminal space design for sports events -- 5. The privilege of subversion: Reading experiences of LGBT-themed events during Hull UK City of Culture 2017 through liminality -- 6. Searching for sites of liminality in 'giga' events -- 7. From everyday life into the liminoid and back again: Transportation processes in the case of the World Gymnastics for All event (the Gymnaestrada) -- 8. Experiencing abstraction. On mega events, liminality and resistance -- 9. 'Sit in the shadows': The Black body as American event -- 10. Double liminality: Fado events and tourism -- 11. Liminality and ritual order: Italy's national elections of 2018 -- 12. Events of dissent, events of the self: The liminality of protest images -- 13. Liminality and activism. Conceptualising non-conventional political participation in Romania -- 14. Crowds, Events, Eaction: Liminal Politics at the Chattri Memorial (Events, heritage and the Chattri Memorial) -- 15. Egyptian revolutionary art through a liminal framework.

The 2016 European Union referendum campaign has been depicted as a battle between 'heads' and 'hearts', reason and emotion. Voters' propensity to trust their feelings over expert knowledge has sparked debate about the future of democratic politics in what is increasingly believed to be an 'age of emotion'. In this article, we argue that we can learn from the ways that historians have approached the study of emotions and everyday politics to help us make sense of this present moment. Drawing on William Reddy's concept of 'emotional regimes', we analyse the position of emotion in qualitative, 'everyday narratives' about the 2016 European Union referendum. Using new evidence from the Mass Observation Archive, we argue that while reason and emotion are inextricable facets of political decision-making, citizens themselves understand the two processes as distinct and competing.

The 2016 European Union referendum campaign has been depicted as a battle between 'heads' and 'hearts', reason and emotion. Voters' propensity to trust their feelings over expert knowledge has sparked debate about the future of democratic politics in what is increasingly believed to be an 'age of emotion'. In this article, we argue that we can learn from the ways that historians have approached the study of emotions and everyday politics to help us make sense of this present moment. Drawing on William Reddy's concept of 'emotional regimes', we analyse the position of emotion in qualitative, 'everyday narratives' about the 2016 European Union referendum. Using new evidence from the Mass Observation Archive, we argue that while reason and emotion are inextricable facets of political decision-making, citizens themselves understand the two processes as distinct and competing.

Table of contents -- List of figures -- List of tables -- Preface: the long road to 2016, brexit, and trump -- Introduction -- The problem of anti-politics -- Taking the long view and listening to citizens' voices -- Beyond trendless fluctuation: the broadening social scope of anti-politics -- Beyond permanent apathy: the broadening political scope of anti-politics -- Beyond the decline of deference: the rising intensity of anti-politics -- Beyond depoliticisation: the persistent force of stealth democratic folk theories -- Changing images of the good politician -- Changing modes of political interaction -- Changing folk theories: from stealth democracy to stealth populism -- Conclusion -- Appendix -- References -- Index

Using volunteer writing for Mass Observation, we explore how British citizens decided whether to leave the EU. The 2016 referendum was the biggest decision made by the British electorate in decades, but involved limited voter analysis. Many citizens did not have strong views about EU membership in early 2016. The campaigns did not help to firm up their views, not least because so much information appeared to be in dispute. Voters, often characterised as polarised, were reluctant and uncertain. Many citizens took their duty to decide seriously, but were driven more by hunch than careful analysis. In 2016, voters reacted against elites they did not trust at least as much as they embraced the ideas of trusted elites. This contrasts with the 1975 Referendum on the Common Market, when the vote was driven by elite endorsement. In low-trust contexts, voters use cues from elites as negative rather than positive stimulus.

Using volunteer writing for Mass Observation, we explore how British citizens decided whether to leave the EU. The 2016 referendum was the biggest decision made by the British electorate in decades, but involved limited voter analysis. Many citizens did not have strong views about EU membership in early 2016. The campaigns did not help to firm up their views, not least because so much information appeared to be in dispute. Voters, often characterised as polarised, were reluctant and uncertain. Many citizens took their duty to decide seriously, but were driven more by hunch than careful analysis. In 2016, voters reacted against elites they did not trust at least as much as they embraced the ideas of trusted elites. This contrasts with the 1975 Referendum on the Common Market, when the vote was driven by elite endorsement. In low-trust contexts, voters use cues from elites as negative rather than positive stimulus.