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Vor dem Hintergrund der zunehmenden Politisierung von Ernährung befasst sich dieser Artikel mit der Frage nach der Macht von Ernährung als Vermittler für neue politische Allianzen. In diesem Zusammenhang habe ich, in Anlehnung an Gender- und Umwelttheorien, das Konzept der politisch-ökologischen Koalitionen für die Analyse der Demonstration Wir haben es satt! vorgeschlagen, die seit 2011 in Deutschland einmal im Jahr gegen das Modell der industriellen Agrar- und Ernährungswirtschaft protestiert. Basierend auf einer detaillierten Beschreibung der Demonstration und unter Verwendung einer qualitativen Text- und Bildanalyse der Kampagne wird gezeigt, dass die Macht dieser politisch-ökologischen Koalition darin besteht, verschiedene Formen der Ungerechtigkeit, die im Modell der industriellen Agrar- und Ernährungswirtschaft vorhanden sind, auszudrücken, Identitäts-, kategoriale, geographische und räumliche Grenzen zu überschreiten und dafür einzutreten, dass gerade Vielfalt ihre Stärke ist. ; Peer Reviewed

The Marcha das Margaridas is a mass mobilization in Brazil led by women's organizations within rural unions in alliance with other social movements and nongovernmental organizations, including transnational partners such as the World March of Women. The main political subjects are rural working women, a political identity that articulates gender, class, and urban-rural inequalities. These are foundational for the popular feminism of the Marcha. An examination of the Marcha das Margaridas guided by a theoretical discussion of poststructural feminism and postcolonial feminism on the role of political identities in building coalitions reveals that it expands the agenda of popular feminism in its relationship to historical feminist agendas and intersectional feminisms and in its coalition politics with men and the left.A Marcha das Margaridas é uma mobilização de massa no Brasil liderada por organismos de mulheres dentro de sindicatos rurais em aliança com outros movimentos sociais e organizações não governamentais (ONGs), incluindo parceiros transnacionais como a Marcha Mundial das Mulheres. Os principais sujeitos políticos são as mulheres trabalhadoras rurais, uma identidade política que articula as desigualdades de gênero, classe e urbano-rurais. Estes são fundamentais para o feminismo popular da Marcha. Um estudo da Marcha das Margaridas guiado por uma discussão teórica do feminismo pós-estrutural e do feminismo pós-colonial sobre o papel das identidades políticas na construção de coalizões revela que ela expande a agenda do feminismo popular em sua relação com agendas feministas históricas e feminismos intersetoriais, como também em sua coalizão política com os homens e a esquerda.

The Junior Research Group Food for Justice examines normative questions of inequalities, justice, and democracy that arise in disputes surrounding the question "how are we going to feed the world?". Increasingly, citizens perceive the global food system as part of the historical causes of the ecological crisis and persisting hunger in the world. Although the reasons for these causal links have long been known (the use of food for profit, the gap between production and consumption, conflicts over land and water, exploitative labour relations, the energy matrix and waste generation, among others), research on food security and the bioeconomy tend to rely on the same solutions i.e searching for technological fixes toward a profit-oriented model that exploits living matter. What is needed in order to complexify the debate and contribute to socio-environmental transformation is more knowledge about which food system citizens desire, which alternative knowledges and technologies already successfully handle such claims for justice within food politics, and how to redirect public policies towards a democratic, ecological and just food system. Combining theoretical perspectives on global entangled inequalities with social movement research, Food for Justice looks at challenges and solutions both in Europe (focusing on Germany) and in Latin America (focusing on Brazil). The research consists, on one hand, of case studies of social mobilization targeting injustices in the food system and, on the other, case studies of alternative food initiatives, knowledges and technologies, such as agroecology and alternative food networks. Food for Justice aims at providing a theoretical and conceptual framework – grounded on empirical research – to analyse social and political projects that address inequalities based on class, gender, race, ethnicity, rurality, citizenship, and categorical divisions between humans and more-than-humans, thus building democratic, ecological and just food politics.

Soybeans and Power: Genetically Modified Crops, Environmental Politics, and Social Movements in Argentina, by Pablo Lapegna, Oxford University Press, 2016.

AbstractThis review provides an overview of social research on genetically modified crops (GM crops), also known as genetically modified organisms (GMOs). Academic inquiry on the social disputes over the future of agriculture biotechnology has multiplied since the mid‐1990s, when the first seeds were approved for market commercialization. This essay identifies and describes five prominent analytical approaches to explain public controversies over GMOs: the political economy of food and agriculture, social studies on science, democracy theory, research on corporations and hegemony, and social movement and peasant studies. This overview concludes by arguing that these different strains, although each privileging one analytical dimension and one level of analysis, converge in (i) the definition of the relevant explanatory factors, (ii) in the identification of the various levels of analysis – global, transnational, national and local – involved in the issue and (iii) in the prognostic that social disputes over GMOs are likely to remain a topic of public and scholar interest in the near future.

What does the diversity of social movements and food initiatives tell us about processes of social change? I argue that they offer a productive analytical lens to observe social change because they identify injustices and dynamics of inequalities in the food system and are actively engaged in transforming these. Alternative local food initiatives react to the environmental impacts of globalized food relations; food sovereignty movements highlight class inequalities and power asymmetries in the food system that affect people's rights to culturally appropriate foodways; food justice movements denounce institutional racism; feminist movements fight persistent gender inequalities from food production to consumption; vegan movements defend animal rights. These are often mapped onto different world regions, with food justice movements more present in the US; food sovereignty movements louder in the Global South; feminist food movements more active in Latin America; and local food movements commonly in the Global North. This article brings together diverse strands of activism and research on social inequalities related to food under the conceptual umbrella of food inequalities. In addition to concept building, it contributes to a sociology of food studies by mapping the geopolitics of knowledge about social change behind the growing mobilization around food issues.

Este ensaio explora como a América Latina oferece um lócus privilegiado para o cientista social lidar com o desafio epistemológico que é o ajuste entre a teoria e os fatos. O argumento é que, embora se trate de um desafio comum a todos os cientistas sociais, ele se torna mais explícito enquanto tal para o cientista social latino-americano, pois este exerce um ofício cujas formulações teóricas e conceituais foram desenvolvidas em uma tradição de outro tempo e de outro lugar. Ao realizar o ajuste entre estas teorias e estes conceitos e a realidade contemporânea latino-americana, o cientista social latino-americano expande, de forma original, a universalidade da matriz disciplinar das Ciências Sociais.

AbstractClimate movements led by students and the youth worldwide (and in particular, those in richer economies) have been recognized as having a formidable voice and making important contributions towards a more radical societal transformation to face the climate crisis. However, little is said about the contribution of popular sectors, who have been mobilizing for decades and demanding broader structural transformations—with proposals that tackle environmental issues more broadly and the climate crisis in particular—but who are not directly involved in climate politics arenas, such as the United Nations Climate Change conferences. Usually portrayed as vulnerable, as those most affected by climate events, as victims and receivers of adaptation strategies, or, as resilient, rarely do popular sectors appear as agents of transformation. Critical scholars have advocated for understanding the climate crisis as part of multiple crises, including the biodiversity crisis, a crisis of care, and a crisis of democracy. Situating our article within this scholarship, we argue that the scholarly and societal debate on climate change will further benefit from broadening the scope of which social subjects are considered as part of the climate movement. Based on our research with rural popular feminist movements in Brazil, and in particular, the coalition Marcha das Margaridas, we address the following questions: how are their diagnostics of, and proposals to, overcome the climate crisis embedded in their broader project of transformation? Additionally, how does their political identity within class, gender, and rural categories of inequality inform their positions?

La introducción de la biotecnología es parte de un proceso global de cambio estructural en la agricultura caracterizado por una cada vez mayor integración de la agricultura mundial con alto control corporativo. Sin embargo, ya que la competencia legal para permitir el cultivo y el comercio de cultivos genéticamente modificados (GM) comúnmente se encuentra a nivel del Estado nacional, éste continúa siendo estratégico en la política de transgénicos tanto para actores promotores de la tecnología como para movimientos sociales que pelean contra ella. El presente artículo ilustra este argumento con un análisis de las luchas acerca de los cultivos transgénicos en Brasil. Se demuestra cómo la implementación de un régimen alimentario basado en biotecnología, control corporativo y globalismo neoliberal dependió del Estado y fue un proceso disputado.