Group consciousness and political behavior among citizens of immigrant origin: the case of France
In: MMG Working Paper 15-07
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In: MMG Working Paper 15-07
In: Governance: an international journal of policy and administration
ISSN: 1468-0491
AbstractThe European Border and Coast Guard Agency (Frontex) and the European Asylum Support Office (EASO) have experienced increases in available resources and have conducted joint operations with European Union (EU) Member States in recent years. They may be regarded as examples of agencification in border protection and asylum policy, but this paper argues that agencification has proceeded without an expansion in agency mandates. Using Frontex and EASO operations in two Southern European border countries, Cyprus and Greece, as comparative case studies, I show that the two agencies have employed their growing technical, performative, legal and moral resources to legitimize efficient processing of asylum applications in reception centers, and coordinated border protection and more/swifter returns. At the same time, the absence of mandates on final decision‐making has diluted policy accountability and weakened monitoring vis‐à‐vis Member States, with respect to fundamental rights violations and the implementation of EU law. This resource expansion without mandates has allowed EU agencies to resolve long‐standing tensions among Member States and the European Commission in a contested policy area. The analysis has broader implications for the role of agencies in multilevel migration governance.
In: Comparative European politics, Band 21, Heft 3, S. 400-417
ISSN: 1740-388X
In: Political geography: an interdisciplinary journal for all students of political studies with an interest in the geographical and spatial aspects, Band 76, S. 102088
ISSN: 0962-6298
In: Journal of ethnic and migration studies: JEMS, Band 46, Heft 11, S. 2275-2292
ISSN: 1469-9451
In: Studies in ethnicity and nationalism: SEN, Band 18, Heft 1, S. 80-81
ISSN: 1754-9469
In: Governance: an international journal of policy and administration, Band 35, Heft 1, S. 303-321
ISSN: 1468-0491
AbstractParticipation and representation of disadvantaged groups are important, but partly still understudied aspects of democratic politics. The present article looks at the inclusion of migrant representatives in urban governance networks making use of original survey data from 40 large cities in France and Germany. We find that about half of policy‐relevant urban actors in both countries and across cities cooperate with migrant associations regularly. This indicates that urban governance networks are furthering the civic and political presence of migrants. Cooperation with migrant associations is more likely when specific representative local institutions (foreigner/integration councils) exist, and is also boosted by the overall density of governance networks in a city. Politicians and local administrators remain central actors in such networks, while social welfare organizations emerge as important interlocutors with migrant associations. The article identifies and discusses differences between the two countries.
In: Journal of European public policy, Band 26, Heft 3, S. 325-343
ISSN: 1466-4429
In: Schiller , M , Lang , C , Schönwälder , K & Moutselos , M 2020 , ' Vielfalt and diversité : how local actors in France and Germany evaluate immigration and socio-cultural heterogeneity ' , Comparative Migration Studies , vol. 8 , no. 1 , 48 . https://doi.org/10.1186/s40878-020-00205-1 , https://doi.org/10.1186/s40878-020-00205-1
In both Germany and France, perceptions of immigration, diversity and their societal consequences have undergone important transformations in the past two decades. However, existing research has only partially captured such processes. The "grand narratives" of national approaches, while still influential, no longer explain contemporary realities. Further, analyses of national politics and discourses may not sufficiently reflect the realities across localities and society more broadly. While emerging in different national contexts, little is known about how diversity is actually perceived by political stakeholders at the urban level. Given the key role of immigration and diversity in current conflicts over Europe's future, it is imperative to assess present-day conceptualisations of migration-related diversity among important societal actors. This article investigates perceptions and evaluations of socio-cultural heterogeneity by important societal actors in large cities. We contribute to existing literature by capturing an unusually broad set of actors from state and civil society. We also present data drawn from an unusually large number of cities. How influential is the perception of current society as heterogeneous, and what forms of heterogeneity are salient? And is socio-cultural and migration-related heterogeneity evaluated as threatening or rather as beneficial? Based on an original data set, this study explores the shared and contested ideas, the cognitive roadmaps of state and non-state actors involved in local politics. We argue that, in both German and French cities, socio-cultural heterogeneity is nowadays widely recognized as marking cities and often positively connoted. At the same time, perceptions of the main features of diversity and of the benefits and challenges attached to it vary. We find commonalities between French and German local actors, but also clear differences. In concluding, we suggest how and why national contexts importantly shape evaluations of diversity.
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In: MMG Working Paper 17-09
In: Martínez-Ariño , J , Moutselos , M , Schönwälder , K , Jacobs , C , Schiller , M & Tandé , A 2019 , ' Why do some cities adopt more diversity policies than others? A study in France and Germany ' , Comparative European Politics , vol. 17 , no. 5 , pp. 651-672 . https://doi.org/10.1057/s41295-018-0119-0 ; ISSN:1472-4790
An increasing sociocultural heterogeneity of populations and vocal demands for the recognition of diversity have become common features of, in particular, cities in Western Europe. Do cities reshape policies in response to such developments? And to what extent do they implement policies that accommodate difference? We use data from an original survey of urban policy actors in the twenty largest cities of France and Germany to identify city-level diversity policy instruments. In both countries, such instruments are widespread, contradicting assumptions of dominant assimilationist paradigms. And yet, the degree of adoption across cities varies. Drawing on institutionalist theory, we investigate what might explain differing adoption rates. The main finding is that key determinants at the urban level differ between the two countries. In France, the political constellation is crucial; higher numbers of diversity policies are associated with centre-left dominance. In contrast, in German cities, political consensus around diversity policies seems to prevail and higher adoption rates are associated with higher population diversity. Our findings provide a first wide-ranging account of the adoption of diversity policy instruments in European cities. They demonstrate that such policies exist at a relevant scale. They further help explain why the adoption of diversity policy instruments is uneven.
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In: Urban affairs review, Band 56, Heft 1, S. 228-253
ISSN: 1552-8332
The diversification of population, demands for recognition, and the spread of diversity policies present new challenges to European cities. Do urban actors respond to this development in different ways across cities? Can we distinguish a logic determined by economic considerations or rather a justice-oriented logic? This article presents evidence from 20 German cities based on an original survey of important urban actors. This design reflects current realities of urban governance. Results indicate that, across Germany's biggest cities, there is a normative consensus over the benefits of diversity. However, other positions are controversial and views seem partly incoherent. Cities neither clearly position themselves as pro- or antidiversity cities nor do most of them adopt clear market-oriented or justice-oriented approaches. We conclude that, in a relatively new field, positions are still uncrystallized, and hybrid combinations of perspectives may remain typical in societies with strong social-welfare traditions.
In: Comparative European politics, Band 17, Heft 5, S. 651-672
ISSN: 1740-388X