Suchergebnisse

This paper presents the way of functioning and implementation of the local ownership principle in situations where the support of local knowledge during the process of establishment of gender equality mechanisms is lacking. Gender equality mechanisms were part of the package of international organizations' influence over the process of democratic institutional reform in Serbia. The whole process is based on a numerous international documents that incite and justify the establishment of institutional mechanisms for gender equality at all levels of government: national, regional and local. The experience and knowledge of Western countries has contributed most to the process of formulating gender equality mechanisms and their subsequent functioning in Serbia. The lack of local knowledge production regarding the essence and role of the local ownership principle in the creation of gender equality institutions is permanent in Serbia. The concept of "learning sites", i.e. external actors becoming familiar with an internal situation has barely been applied in Serbia. The so-called "glocal" period of deep intermingling of both local and global elements did not happen. The authors argue that there was no essential "localization" of gender equality mechanisms based on domestic knowledge, and that both foreign and domestic actors are responsible for this situation: External actors because, apart from Western theory and experience, they are unaware of and/or neglect local knowledge, regardless of whether they consider it non-existent or inferior in comparison to the knowledge of Western countries. At the same time, domestic actors became quickly satisfied with the comfortable position of secondary lead stakeholders, with a role of transmitters and users of foreign concepts. They did not take advantage of the opportunities provided by the local ownership principle and did not pretend to take on either the role of creators or of relevant knowledge holders of policy-based public policies and practices.

This paper presents the way of functioning and implementation of the local ownership principle in situations where the support of local knowledge during the process of establishment of gender equality mechanisms is lacking. Gender equality mechanisms were part of the package of international organizations' influence over the process of democratic institutional reform in Serbia. The whole process is based on a numerous international documents that incite and justify the establishment of institutional mechanisms for gender equality at all levels of government: national, regional and local. The experience and knowledge of Western countries has contributed most to the process of formulating gender equality mechanisms and their subsequent functioning in Serbia. The lack of local knowledge production regarding the essence and role of the local ownership principle in the creation of gender equality institutions is permanent in Serbia. The concept of "learning sites", i.e. external actors becoming familiar with an internal situation has barely been applied in Serbia. The so-called "glocal" period of deep intermingling of both local and global elements did not happen. The authors argue that there was no essential "localization" of gender equality mechanisms based on domestic knowledge, and that both foreign and domestic actors are responsible for this situation: External actors because, apart from Western theory and experience, they are unaware of and/or neglect local knowledge, regardless of whether they consider it non-existent or inferior in comparison to the knowledge of Western countries. At the same time, domestic actors became quickly satisfied with the comfortable position of secondary lead stakeholders, with a role of transmitters and users of foreign concepts. They did not take advantage of the opportunities provided by the local ownership principle and did not pretend to take on either the role of creators or of relevant knowledge holders of policy-based public policies and practices. ; Predstavljen je način ...

The experiences of countries all around the world show that there is no single, the same and universally applicable scenario of legal changes in terms of regulating the status of transgender people. The process most commonly begins by providing gender reassignment hormonal surgery procedures, which are followed by the legal recognition of a new gender identity. The next step necessarily implies the need to enact legislation to regulate the so-called social gender or gender identity, according to the right to self-determination of transgender persons, which is unrelated to previously undertaken medical treatment and gender reassignment surgery. Some countries have gone far in the implementation of this third step, while others have not taken even the first steps. Notably, different initiatives and events may be observed worldwide, many of which constitute the necessary "first steps" aimed at increasing the social acceptance of gender diversity. These steps may seem small and insufficient, but they are actually huge and significant in breaking the sanctity of the binary gender division and accepting specific transgender individuals. All the steps are based on the need to protect all people, including transgender people, from discrimination, violence, different forms of victimization, and other impacts of neglecting gender identity. Once gender identity becomes legally protected, it is possible to gradually build procedures and other types of legal protection mechanisms designed for all people whose gender identity differs from the rigid binary division into women and men, as the only identity options. In Serbia, there is still a significant lack of legal regulations on the status of transgender persons, which implies that there is much room for improvement in this area. While it would be easy to keep ignoring this issue, it would be irresponsible to exclude transgender persons from the analysis of social phenomena involving marginalization and victimization. ; Iskustva drugih zemalja sa raznih krajeva sveta, ...

The experiences of countries all around the world show that there is no single, the same and universally applicable scenario of legal changes in terms of regulating the status of transgender people. The process most commonly begins by providing gender reassignment hormonal surgery procedures, which are followed by the legal recognition of a new gender identity. The next step necessarily implies the need to enact legislation to regulate the so-called social gender or gender identity, according to the right to self-determination of transgender persons, which is unrelated to previously undertaken medical treatment and gender reassignment surgery. Some countries have gone far in the implementation of this third step, while others have not taken even the first steps. Notably, different initiatives and events may be observed worldwide, many of which constitute the necessary 'first steps' aimed at increasing the social acceptance of gender diversity. These steps may seem small and insufficient, but they are actually huge and significant in breaking the sanctity of the binary gender division and accepting specific transgender individuals. All the steps are based on the need to protect all people, including transgender people, from discrimination, violence, different forms of victimization, and other impacts of neglecting gender identity. Once gender identity becomes legally protected, it is possible to gradually build procedures and other types of legal protection mechanisms designed for all people whose gender identity differs from the rigid binary division into women and men, as the only identity options. In Serbia, there is still a significant lack of legal regulations on the status of transgender persons, which implies that there is much room for improvement in this area. While it would be easy to keep ignoring this issue, it would be irresponsible to exclude transgender persons from the analysis of social phenomena involving marginalization and victimization.

Homophobia is present in contemporary Serbian society as a rather widespread treatment of non-heterosexuality. It is manifested through various forms of public hate speech, through the forms and cases of discrimination and violence that are caused by homophobia, and through the homophobia-caused deprivation of members of the LGBT population of their various rights, particularly the right to the freedom of peaceful public assembly. Such homophobia is mostly shown by research data recently obtained by the Serbian LGBT rights groups (such as Gay Straight Alliance and Labris) and by media reporting on the recent public events (mostly on three recent attempts to organise Pride Parades in Belgrade, in 2009, 2010, 2011 and 2012). The research data showed that homophobia originates mostly from a lack of knowledge and a stereotyped comprehension of the people and relations among them, while its main protagonists in Serbia are nationalists, traditionalists, conformists and those who believe that hating others is the proper and even only way to defend their national and territorial integrity, as well as a reflection of their genuine patriotism. The spheres in which it is active include all social relations, from private and family, through professional, to public, media and political relations. Research data obtained in recent years by LGBT organisations provide evidence that homophobia is still very prevalent in Serbia, in some respects somewhat more so than in 2008, when the first research of that type was conducted.

During recent decades, international humanitarian organizations and the governments of countries affected by natural catastrophes/disasters and climate change have highlighted the fact that more women lose their lives and suffer other effects of such events than men. This disparity in victim numbers is a phenomenon that is caused by – and inherently linked with – the unequal socioeconomic status of women. In alleviating disaster risks, women and men are limited to the roles and responsibilities they are afforded at home and in society. Gender roles constructed in an exclusive manner result in different personal and group identities and potentials, social responsibilities, behaviours and expectations. Thus, gender-based differentiation leads to gender inequality in all socio-economic processes, including different roles and opportunities: reductions in vulnerability and disaster risks, improved disaster management, anticipation of possible damages, and recovery from these. Due to all these differences, it is clear that women and men must participate equally in determining ways to reduce the risks of a disaster at the community level (national, regional and international) without discrimination and exclusion. The inclusion of gender experts (and aspects) in the development of gender-sensitive policies and program guidelines should be ensured. This creates a valid prerequisite for gender equality while reducing the risk of catastrophes/disasters and climate change and making community-based adaptation more effective. It is necessary to integrate gender sensitive aspects/criteria into the initiatives and processes of planning, designing, implementing, monitoring and evaluating risk reduction programs and projects. In order to adapt to climate change and mitigate the consequences stemming from this, but also to reduce the risk of catastrophes/disasters, parameters must be established pertaining to the needs and interests of women. These needs are a prerequisite for supporting women's independent initiatives and for the financing of environmentally-friendly technologies for the sustainable use of natural resources.

The Istanbul Convention is an internationally legally binding document that represents a turning point in the fight against violence against women. The most important element of this Convention is the obligation of States to act with due diligence - with due regard to the prevention, detection, prosecution and sanctioning of violence against women. Harmonizing domestic legislation with the standards of the Convention, the obligation that Serbia took over by ratification, which also caused the adoption of the Law on the Prevention of Domestic Violence. This is the first step, but obviously, not enough. There is an improvement of practical dealing with gender-based violence acts, as well as preventing and raising awareness on unacceptability of violence in contemporary conditions. The trend of its omnipresence is very visible. However, there still are many EU countries that have not yet ratified this convention, while in some it has led to serious polarization in society. The public in Serbia has mostly not being informed that this convention exists. There is a contradiction of the great idea of advocacy in fight against violence against women and vulgarization of dealing with terminological dilemmas and rigidity. It seems as some situations of normative erosion are repeated. Engrossed with formalism, we ratify and pass a series of laws that mostly remain as "dead letter on paper" without true commitment in real use.

The inclusion of the security sector in many EU member states has become one of the priorities of the national security of today. The reason for this introduction of inclusive security has been rationally observed as the security interest of countries of diversified compoaition of population, faced with modern security risks. This concept enables women and members of various national and religious minority groups to be included without discrimination, in the security sector of the countries of their citizenship. It is well known that women too oftenly were asked to assist to stabilize the country. But this happens usualy only after the conflict, although it would be much better for states to invest their entire population into peace, stability and prosperity in due time, meaning, before the outbreak of violence. Inclusion of women as decision makers in peacebuilding processes provides better results. It is more likely that peace agreements will be quicker achieved and longly sustained when women are significantly involved. Reducing the risk of disasters is as well as conflict resolution also another important domain for considering inclusive ways and methods for reducing the vulnerability and risks of society from disasters, in order to avoid or hinder adverse effects and dangers caused by natural phenomena.

This paper presents the way of functioning and implementation of the local ownership principle in situations where the support of local knowledge during the process of establishment of gender equality mechanisms is lacking. Gender equality mechanisms were part of the package of international organizations' influence over the process of democratic institutional reform in Serbia. The whole process is based on a numerous international documents that incite and justify the establishment of institutional mechanisms for gender equality at all levels of government: national, regional and local. The experience and knowledge of Western countries has contributed most to the process of formulating gender equality mechanisms and their subsequent functioning in Serbia. The lack of local knowledge production regarding the essence and role of the local ownership principle in the creation of gender equality institutions is permanent in Serbia. The concept of "learning sites", i.e. external actors becoming familiar with an internal situation has barely been applied in Serbia. The so-called "glocal" period of deep intermingling of both local and global elements did not happen. The authors argue that there was no essential "localization" of gender equality mechanisms based on domestic knowledge, and that both foreign and domestic actors are responsible for this situation: External actors because, apart from Western theory and experience, they are unaware of and/or neglect local knowledge, regardless of whether they consider it non-existent or inferior in comparison to the knowledge of Western countries. At the same time, domestic actors became quickly satisfied with the comfortable position of secondary lead stakeholders, with a role of transmitters and users of foreign concepts. They did not take advantage of the opportunities provided by the local ownership principle and did not pretend to take on either the role of creators or of relevant knowledge holders of policy-based public policies and practices.

The subject of this paper is the gender aspect of the disaster risk reduction concept. A natural phenomenon in itself is not a disaster, but it becomes when it strikes a vulnerable community, a group or individuals without proper defence who have no ability to resist or to repair its negative effects. lt causes material damage and human losses, possible interruption of the economic and social functioning of the community. The threat of disasters is a matter of overall human security and implies bringing into question the safety of life, housing and economy, food, water, energy, health, and environmental safety. The aim of the paper is to point out that disasters are not a 'natural' inevitability, since they are the result of natural risk factors and human vulnerability, in which gender-based inequalities are a constitutive component. Consequently, disaster risk reduction processes that include prevention, mitigation and preparedness for response in all phases should have a necessary gender perspective, with the aim of increasing disaster resilience. Such an approach is based on the knowledge of the risk management, capacity building and the use of information and communications technology, as well as the analysis of existing gender relations and the need to change unsafe discriminatory practices in the field. Namely, the opportunities available to women and men in fact are not the same even in 'normal' circumstances, not to mention the emergencies. There is a gender division of jobs, unequal access to material and non-material resources, lesser participation of women in decision- making at political and private levels, women's exposure to gender-based violence and various forms of discrimination. The conclusion is that building resistance to disasters, empowering women and community development necessarily represent elements of unique, but not separate, efforts.

Frontmatter -- CONTENTS -- ACKNOWLEDGMENTS -- INTRODUCTION -- PART ONE: REPRODUCTION AS POLITICS -- CHAPTER 1 Between Ideology, Politics, and Common Sense: The Discourse of Reproductive Rights in Poland -- CHAPTER 2 Reproductive Policies in the Czech and Slovak Republics -- CHAPTER 3 Talking about Women and Wombs: The Discourse of Abortion and Reproductive Rights in the G.D.R. during and after the Wende -- CHAPTER 4 Birth Strike in the New Federal States: Is Sterilization an Act of Resistance? -- PART TWO: GENDER RELATIONS IN EVERYDAY LIFE -- CHAPTER 5 Changing Images of Identity in Poland: From the Self-Sacrificing to the Self-Investing Woman? -- CHAPTER 6 Women's Life Trajectories and Class Formation in Hungary -- CHAPTER 7 From Informal Labor to Paid Occupations: Marketization from below in Hungarian Women's Work -- CHAPTER 8 Women's Sexuality and Reproductive Behavior in Post-Ceausescu Romania: A Psychological Approach -- PART THREE: ARENAS OF POLITICAL ACTION: STRUGGLES FOR REPRESENTATION -- CHAPTER 9 New Gender Relations in Poland in the 1990s -- CHAPTER 10 New Parliament, Old Discourse? The Parental Leave Debate in Hungary -- CHAPTER 11 Women's NGOs in Romania -- CHAPTER 12 Women's Problems, Women's Discourses in Bulgaria -- CHAPTER 13 Belgrade's SOS Hotline for Women and Children Victims of Violence: A Report -- CHAPTER 14 Media Representations of Men and Women in Times of War and Crisis: The Case of Serbia -- CONCLUSION -- CONTRIBUTORS -- INDEX