Suchergebnisse

Economic uncertainty, political instability, and security concerns marked 2023 as a year where the country desperately tried to survive. The year began with Pakistan on the brink of sovereign default, with depleting foreign reserves and soaring inflation. Although successful negotiations with the IMF averted economic catastrophe, political crisis seemed to replace the country's economic woes. In the second half of 2023, following Imran Khan's temporary arrest on May 9, political confrontation between the military and Pakistan Tehrik-e-Insaaf resulted in the worst democratic backsliding witnessed in recent years. Although Pakistan heads to the polls in the new year, it appears to be saddled by the weight of the political status quo.

In two decades of scholarship on hybrid regimes two significant advancements have been made. First, scholars have emphasized that the hybrid regimes that emerged in the post-Cold War era should not be treated as diminished sub-types of democracy, and second, regime type is a multi-dimensional concept. This review essay further contends that losing the lexicon of hybridity and focusing on a single dimension of regime type—flawed electoral competition—has prevented an examination of extra-electoral factors that are necessary for understanding how regimes are differently hybrid, why there is such immense variation in the outcome of elections and why these regimes are constantly in flux. Therefore, a key recommendation emerging from this review of the scholarship is that to achieve a more thorough, multi-dimensional assessment of hybrid regimes, further research ought to be driven by nested research designs in which qualitative and quantitative approaches can be used to advance mid-range theory building.

In two decades of scholarship on hybrid regimes two significant advancements have been made. First, scholars have emphasized that the hybrid regimes that emerged in the post-Cold War era should not be treated as diminished sub-types of democracy, and second, regime type is a multi-dimensional concept. This review essay further contends that losing the lexicon of hybridity and focusing on a single dimension of regime type—flawed electoral competition—has prevented an examination of extra-electoral factors that are necessary for understanding how regimes are differently hybrid, why there is such immense variation in the outcome of elections and why these regimes are constantly in flux. Therefore, a key recommendation emerging from this review of the scholarship is that to achieve a more thorough, multi-dimensional assessment of hybrid regimes, further research ought to be driven by nested research designs in which qualitative and quantitative approaches can be used to advance mid-range theory building.

Lorsqu'elle est arrivée au pouvoir dans la province du Nord-Ouest (NWFP) à la suite des élections de 2002, la Muttahida Majlis-e-Amal (MMA) bénéficiait de conditions exceptionnellement favorables à la réalisation de son projet de changement social et politique. L'analyse de ce qui a changé dans la gestion de la province durant cette mandature est menée sous l'angle de la dynamique interne de la MMA et sous celui de ses relations avec l'État militaro-bureaucratique, d'une part, les bailleurs de fonds étrangers et internationaux, d'autre part. La MMA a été contrainte de s'adresser à ces derniers à cause de son manque de moyens financiers, dû entre autres à des relations tendues avec le gouvernement fédéral. Son pragmatisme politique et son désir d'apparaître comme une force de progrès l'ont poussée à associer des réformes politiques islamiques et des projets de développement en faveur des plus pauvres. Les répercussions de cette ligne de conduite se sont manifestées en particulier par une redistribution des relations clientélistes dans la province.

When it came to power in the Northwest Province (NWFP) following the elections of 2002, the Muttahida Majlis-e-Amal (MMA) benefitted from exceptionally favorable conditions that permitted the realization of it project for social and political change. The analysis of that which has changed in the management of the province during their rule is conducted according to the code of the internal dynamic of the MMA and that of its relations with the military-bureaucratic state, on the one hand, and the international monetary backers on the other. The MMA has been constrained from addressing itself these last because of its lack of financial means, owing among other things to tense relations with the federal government. Its political pragmatism and desire to appear a force of progress has pushed it to initiate Islamic political reforms and development project to benefit the poorest. The repercussions of this line of conduct are manifested in particular by a redistribution of clientele relations in the province. Adapted from the source document.

The focus of this article is to explain the outcome of Pakistan's 2018 Election, which is only the second successful transfer of power from one civilian government to another after completing a full five-year term. The PTI (Pakistan Tehrik-e-Insaaf) emerged victorious with a greater majority than was predicted, soundly defeating the incumbent ruling party PML-N (Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz). We question why an incumbent governing party that had been delivering on its campaign promises and was generally perceived to be performing well lost the election to PTI, a newer and more inexperienced party. We make a nested argument in this paper: had an uneven playing field not been created in the pre-poll phase due to reported interference by the military and the media in the formation of public opinion, so-called electables would not have defected to the PTI in large numbers. It is in the context of this broader political environment that PTI's electoral strategy to accept these defecting politicians and select them as candidates paid-off, earning the party an electoral majority. (Asian Aff/GIGA)

This article investigates the electoral constraints on the inter-party mobility of candidates. We argue that the prevalent mode of interactions among candidates, voters, and parties in local, district-level electoral markets shapes the strategic constraints faced by potential party
switchers. We suggest that strong linkages between voters and political parties reduce the market value of the candidates outside of their political parties, thereby constraining their inter-party mobility. These expectations are evaluated using candidate- and district-level data from Pakistan
from 1988–2013. The results show that the strength of voter-party linkages in an electoral district, as measured by the lack of electoral volatility and the extent of straight-ticket voting in national and provincial elections, has a positive effect on the propensity of candidates to
switch parties.