Suchergebnisse

A 'Remarx' essay claims that, although Richard Wilkinson's (1996, 2001) income inequality & social cohesion model has much to offer mainstream public health, its value for social epidemiology is significantly reduced by Wilkinson's failure to consider either its implications for public policy or class dimensions of the causes of health problems. The exclusion of class variables is apt to bias Wilkinson's empirical estimation of the relationship between income equality & health. Economic, political, cultural, & natural processes that have been suggested as possible explanations for recent increases in income inequality are examined, along with the potential impact of various political processes on income inequality; problems related to Wilkinson's assumption that social cohesion is the major determinant of health in social formations & the vulnerability to empirical refutation of "simple income inequality and health" models. It is argued that Wilkinson's avoidance of the class issue & the emerging income inequality/social capital hypothesis has the potential to destroy the possibility of an integrated race, gender, & class research program in social epidemiology. 19 References. J. Lindroth

INTRODUCTION: Participatory governance is about state and society jointly responsible for political decisions and services. The origins and trajectory of participatory governance initiatives are determined by the socio-political context and specifically the nature of state-society relations. Participation by communities in health interventions has been promoted globally as a strategy to involve citizens in health decision-making but with little success. Such participatory governance in health should be seen not as a strategy alone but as a political project in which organized communities challenge the status-quo in health. METHODS: This paper deals with the wider socio-political context of participatory governance initiatives. It uses comparative politics literature to analyze socio-political context in Brazil and Venezuela, historically spanning half century prior to 2015, to assess whether it was conducive to participatory governance. The focus of this paper's analysis particularly is on the socio-political changes that were taking place in Brazil and Venezuela in the decades of the 1980s and 1990s. Those decades formed the bedrock on which the two countries experienced democratization and a socialist transformation that has lasted well into the first decade of the twenty-first century. The situation in the health sector is also described for the two countries showing a parallel trajectory to the wider political context and that reflected the political ideology. For this assessment, we use a contemporary framework called the 'socialist compass' which links dynamics of power relations in various ways among three domains of power, namely, state power, economic power, and social power. Socialist compass can be used to assess whether such reforms are moving towards or against social empowerment. CONCLUSION: Our analysis reveals that both Brazil and Venezuela were moving in the direction of social empowerment until at least the year 2015, just before the political turmoil started engulfing the left-leaning regimes ...

Economic indicators such as income inequality are gaining attention as putative determinants of population health. On the other hand, we are just beginning to explore the health impact on population health of political and welfare state variables such as political orientation of government or type of medical care coverage. To determine the socially structured impact of political and welfare state variables on low birth weight rate, infant mortality rate, and under-five mortality rate, we conducted an ecological study with un balanced time-series data from 19 wealthy OECD countries for the years from 1960 to 1994. Among the political/welfare state variables, total public medical coverage was the most significant predictor of the mortality outcomes. The low birth weight rate was more sensitive to political predictors such as percentage of vote obtained by social democratic or labor parties. Overall, political and welfare state variables (including indicators of health policies) are associated with infant and child health indicators. While a strong medical care system seems crucial to some population health outcomes (e.g., the infant mortality rate), other population health outcomes might be impacted by social policies enacted by parties supporting strong welfare states (the low birth weight rate). Our investigation suggests that strong political will that advocates for more egalitarian welfare policies, including public medical services, is important in maintaining and improving the nation's health. © 2006 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.

Abstract: Since the mid-2000s, the practice of South-South cooperation in health (SSC) has attracted growing attention among policymakers, health and foreign affairs ministries, global health agencies, and scholars from a range of fields. But the South-South label elucidates little about the actual content of the cooperation and conflates the "where" with the "who, what, how, and why". While there have been some attempts to theorize global health diplomacy and South-South cooperation generally, these efforts do not sufficiently distinguish among the different kinds of practices and political values that fall under the South-South rubric, ranging from economic and geopolitical interests to social justice forms of solidarity. In the spirit of deepening theoretical, historical, and social justice analyses of SSC, this article: (1) critically revisits international relations theories that seek to explain SSC, exploring Marxian and other heterodox theories ignored in the mainstream literature; (2) traces the historical provenance of a variety of forms of SSC; and (3) introduces the concept of social justice-oriented South-South.

This paper assesses the hypothesis that depressive syndrome is associated with socioeconomic status, using longitudinal data from the Baltimore Epidemiologic Catchment Area Followup. Socioeconomic measures include those used in most studies of status attainment, as well as measures of financial dependence, non-job income, and work environment. Analyses include inter-and intra- generational mobility, and replicate the basic aspects of the status attainment process, as well as psychiatric epidemiologic findings regarding gender, family history of depression, life events, and depressive syndrome. But the involvement of depressive syndrome in the process of status attainment, either as cause or consequence, is small and not statistically significant. There are strong effects of financial dependence and work environment on depressive syndrome. The findings shed doubt on the utility of the causation/selection/drift model for depression, to the extent it is based on linear relationships and socioeconomic rank at the macro level, while lending credibility to social-psychologically oriented theories of work environment, poverty, and depression.

Throughout the 1990s, all Latin American countries but Cuba implemented to varying degrees health care sector reforms underpinned by a neoliberal paradigm that redefined health care as less of a social right and more of a market commodity. These health care sector reforms were couched in the broader structural adjustment of Latin American welfare states prescribed consistently by international financial institutions since the mid-1980s. However, since 2003, Venezuela has been developing an alternative to this neoliberal trend through its health care reform program called Misión Barrio Adentro (Inside the Neighbourhood). In this article, we introduce Misión Barrio Adentro in its historical, political, and economic contexts. We begin by analyzing Latin American neoliberal health sector reforms in their political economic context, with a focus on Venezuela. The analysis reveals that the major beneficiaries of both broader structural adjustment of Latin American welfare states and neoliberal health reforms have been transnational capital interests and domestic Latin American elites. We then provide a detailed description of Misión Barrio Adentro as a challenge to neoliberalism in health care in its political economic context, noting the role played in its development by popular resistance to neoliberalism and the unique international cooperation model upon which it is based. Finally, we suggest that the Venezuelan experience may offer valuable lessons not only to other low- to middle-income countries, but also to countries such as Canada.