Suchergebnisse

Mahdism, or the belief in the resurrection of the eschatological figure of the Mahdi remains important in Islam today. This belief, legitimated by the mahdawiyyah hadith, has allowed many individuals throughout Islamic histories to claim themselves to be the Mahdi, as well as to carry out a radical strand of Islamic movement in order to support their claim. Using a historical method, this paper studies the history and development of mahdism, along with their interpretationof the mahdawiyah hadith; and analyzes the connection of such interpretation with the rise of religious radicalism. The study argues, mahdism is linked to the practices of millenarianism, formerly existed in Jewish and Christian theology. The emergence of mahdism related to the political conflict during the power transition from the Umayyad to the Abbasid dynasty. Yet, the rise of the Mahdi movement found its support from the mahdawiyyah Hadith, which are interpreted in such a way as to legitimize the radical-subversive movement of the mahdi's leaders, enabling mahdism to develop, ideologically, as a radical movement. This study concludes that mahdism is at once a religious and political movement aiming to bring back the glory of Islam. Religion becomes a legitimate and effective ideological framework of a political mission.

This paper discusses the origins of Mahdiism (al-Mahdi al-Muntaẓar) that are constructed using the mahdawiyyah ḥadīth with the status of aḥad (single transmitter) and ḍa'īf (weak). Nevertheless, this belief (Mahdiism) has deep roots in the theological reason of Muslims. By the historical approach, the finding shows that Mahdiism has roots in millenarianism (belief of the saviors' presence) that had existed in pre-Islamic traditions, such as Jewish and Christian. The elementary form of Islamic millenarianism is the concept of prophethood, but when the prophethood concept was deemed finished, it continued into the concept of Mahdiism. The first emergence of Mahdiism is in line with the emergence of mahdawiyyah ḥadīth. The emergence context of the mahda­wiyyah ḥadīth revolves around the power transition from the Umayyad dynasty to the Abbasid dynasty, which always involved Shiite followers as the political victims. The contact between Shiites with the Jewish former and Christian former during the conflict at that time influenced the style of Shiite theology, like as millenarianism. The Shi'ites propagate the presence of al-Mahdi, as the savior from descendants of the prophet (Ahl al-Bait) described through the mahdawiyyah hadiths. Among the narrators of mahdawiyyah ḥadīth are Jewish former (Ka'ab al-Aḥbar) and Christians former (Wahb b. Munabbih). They were the pioneers who incorporated the millenarianism into the Mahdiism.

This study analyzes the opposition of the social, political and religious classes in Arab society at the beginning of the period of Islamic presence. This study is qualitative research whose data is obtained through books, journals and other documents and is discussed with content analysis. The result of this study proved that the early Arab society in the presence of Islam valued wealth as a measure of social strata. Hierarchically, the bourgeoisie was the Arab ruler, while the proletariat and slaves became the second class of society which for many years was always under the pressure of the employer / ruler. The presence of Muhammad Saw (d. 632 AD) by calling for the establishment of social and legal justice was able to attract the proletariat and slaves to convert to Islam and jointly carry out social status resistance. The narrations of the Qur'an also support the existence of class equality between the rich and the poor, the ruler and the people, which distinguishes them only the level of faith. This kind of millenarian movement makes Islam stronger with the spirit of humanism.

This study analyzes the opposition of the social, political and religious classes in Arab society at the beginning of the period of Islamic presence. This study is qualitative research whose data is obtained through books, journals and other documents and is discussed with content analysis. The result of this study proved that the early Arab society in the presence of Islam valued wealth as a measure of social strata. Hierarchically, the bourgeoisie was the Arab ruler, while the proletariat and slaves became the second class of society which for many years was always under the pressure of the employer / ruler. The presence of Muhammad Saw (d. 632 AD) by calling for the establishment of social and legal justice was able to attract the proletariat and slaves to convert to Islam and jointly carry out social status resistance. The narrations of the Qur'an also support the existence of class equality between the rich and the poor, the ruler and the people, which distinguishes them only the level of faith. This kind of millenarian movement makes Islam stronger with the spirit of humanism.

After the dissolution of Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia (HTI) by the Ministry of Law and Human Rights, sympathizers of HTI tried to appeal in various ways. One of them is to build the opinions through the dakwah media of HTI about the authenticity of al-Khilâfah al-Islâmîyah sources in the religious narratives. This propaganda means that the political system fought for by HTI is a part of the Islamic Shari'a which have to be defended, rejecting it means kufr. However, the legality of khilâfah's source is problematic. The Qur'an does not mention it, while the hadith that mentions the khilâfah is more problematic. The hadith of khilâfah only narrated by Ah}mad b. H{anbal on his book. This Ḥadîth arises due to the attitude of Ḥabîb b. Salîm who looked for face in front of 'Umar b. Abd al-'Azîz as the khalifah claimed by 'alâ minhâj al-nubuwwah. The triumph at that time was dreamed by HTI to be re-realized. To realize that vision, HTI interprets the religious texts to the political platform that means has mixed religious functions and political functions become one.

After the dissolution of Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia (HTI) by the Ministry of Law and Human Rights, sympathizers of HTI tried to appeal in various ways. One of them is to build the opinions through the dakwah media of HTI about the authenticity of al-Khilâfah al-Islâmîyah sources in the religious narratives. This propaganda means that the political system fought for by HTI is a part of the Islamic Shari'a which have to be defended, rejecting it means kufr. However, the legality of khilâfah's source is problematic. The Qur'an does not mention it, while the hadith that mentions the khilâfah is more problematic. The hadith of khilâfah only narrated by Ah}mad b. H{anbal on his book. This ?adîth arises due to the attitude of ?abîb b. Salîm who looked for face in front of 'Umar b. Abd al-'Azîz as the khalifah claimed by 'alâ minhâj al-nubuwwah. The triumph at that time was dreamed by HTI to be re-realized. To realize that vision, HTI interprets the religious texts to the political platform that means has mixed religious functions and political functions become one.

Abstract: This paper aims to study Muhammed Arkoun's political interpretation thought about the ideal state. He shows that each political contestation often uses religion as a legitimation of political interest. Many of discourses in Qur'an, such as old narratives of Qur'an (amtsal al-Qur'an), is often presented to modify the existing political conditions. Moreover, some of the terms of Quranic discourse, like as 'Muslim' or 'Kafir' (infidel), is always in a binary position to create sharp differences between the militant and the opposition. The Qur'anic discourses, intentionally or not, since the time of revealing of the Qur'an has been dragged into the political territory as well the theological territory, so it is able to change the profane history into the sacred story with the great power of sacralization. Although the Qur'an is within the dialectic area, some of Islamist always reduces the meaning of Qur'an to support their agenda in realizing the Islamic State (Khilafah Islamiyah). For Arkoun, that desire is a utopian politics idea and nothing more than an interpretation of religious texts. There is no agreement among the people about the ideal state concept. Therefore, Arkoun offers the concept of ideal state is if religious authorities and political authorities apply their function professionally yet integrated.Abstrak: Tulisan ini menggagas pemikiran tafsir politik Muhammed Arkoun tentang negara ideal. M. Arkoun menggambarkan bahwa dalam setiap kontestasi politik sering menyeret agama sebagai legitimasi pemangku kepentingan. Wacana-wacana dalam al-Qur'an seperti teladan-teladan kuno (amthāl al-Qur'an) sering dihadirkan untuk memodifikasi kondisi politik yang ada. Selain itu, beberapa istilah dalam wacana al-Qur'an, seperti 'Muslim' dan 'kafir', diposisikan biner untuk menciptakan perbedaan tajam antara kelompok militan dan oposan. Wacana-wacana qur'ani tersebut, dengan sengaja atau tidak, sejak masa turunnya ayat telah diseret masuk ke dalam wilayah politik sekaligus wilayah teologis, sehingga mampu mengubah sejarah yang profan menjadi kisah sakral dengan kekuasaan sakralisasi yang besar. Meskipun al-Qur'an berada dalam ruang dialektis yang bebas, oleh sebagian kelompok Islamis pemaknaan al-Qur'an direduksi dan dibawa untuk mendukung agenda mewujudkan Islamic State (negara Islam). Bagi Arkoun, keinginan tersebut merupakan gagasan politik yang utopis dan tak lebih dari sebuah interpretasi atas teks agama. Tidak ada kesepakatan di kalangan umat mengenai konsep negara ideal. Karena itu, Arkoun menawarkan konsep negara ideal adalah jika otoritas keagamaan dan otoritas politik berlaku sesuai dengan fungsinya namun tetap terintegrasi.

As an open corpus, al-Qur'an speaks depending on readers. None has authority over al-Qur'an. Consequently, al-Qur'an is often taken by a group of Islamists as a socio-political legitimacy of their movement.Islamist group of Bangladeshi women -BICSa- are ideologizing an interpretation of the Koran which in doctrine to their women cadres to expedite their political missions under Jemaate Islami party (JI) of Bangladesh. BICSa successfully mobilized the women resources as a counterweight to the government by providing an education and a service to the lower levels of society, developing a relationship with the public, and recruiting also mobilizing the political support as the power of women.[Sebagai open corpus, al-Qur'an berbicara tergantung pembacanya. Tidak ada satu pun otoritas yang berkuasa penuh atasnya. Konsekuensinya al-Qur'an sering kali dibawa oleh sekelompok Islamis sebagai bentuk legitimasi gerakan sosial-politis mereka.Sekelompok Islamis perempuan Bangladesh–BICSa– melakukan ideologisasi tafsir al-Qur'an yang diajarkan kepada kader-kader perempuan mereka untuk memperlancar misi politik mereka di bawah partai Jemaate Islami (JI) Bangladesh. BICSa berhasil memobilisasi sumber daya perempuan sebagai penyeimbang pemerintahan dengan menyediakan pendidikan dan jasa bagi masyarakat level bawah, mengembangkan kontak dengan publik, merekrut dan menggalang dukungan politik sebagai kekuatan perempuan]

Believing in the presence of Imam al-Mahdi (called by Mahdiism) becomes an important part in the majority of Islamic theology. On the other hand Mahdiism always present in the crisis context that hit the depressed group, such as politic, economic, social and cultural. Therefore, mahdiism have double-faced in its presence, between religious movements and political movement to recapture the glory of Moslem ever achieved. Religion is a frame of ideology that legitimate and effective in political movement mission. This movement always complete with its ideology and its foundations of legitimacy. Mahdiism ideology in Islam is framed through hadith texts of mahdawiyah. These hadith is always related to the utopian hopes for the struggle (jihad) spirit. By Mahdiism, Islam as a religion has been converted into a religious political movement. Keyword: mahdiisme, hadis of mahdawiyah, religious political movement