Mary Murphy offers a detailed and in-depth analysis of Northern Ireland's relationship with the EU, the role the EU has played in rebuilding the region after the Troubles, and the challenges and opportunities that Brexit might offer Northern Ireland in terms of its fragile politics and economy.
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AbstractAmong the many consequences of Brexit for Northern Ireland has been how it has contributed to and coincided with some alteration of the electoral landscape. This includes the rise of the centre ground and, in particular, the Alliance Party of Northern Ireland (APNI). This article focusses specifically on how the Alliance Party, as the largest of Northern Ireland's middle ground parties, has navigated the Brexit period and with what effect. The analysis explores the implications of the growing size and strength of the Alliance Party for Northern Ireland politics, institutions, policies, north‐south relations and the constitutional future. It concludes that although the nationalist versus unionist binary remains valid and consequential in Northern Ireland, it is being challenged and tested by the rise of the middle ground in ways which offer both opportunities and challenges for Northern Ireland's future.
Abstract This article considers the implications of Brexit for UK–Irish relations. It examines how Brexit has altered the terms of the British–Irish relationship by considering the impact on bilateral and cross-border economic and trade patterns. The article focuses on two primary economic effects. First, the short-term impact of Brexit and the Ireland/Northern Ireland Protocol on the Northern Ireland economy, and on trade relations between Great Britain and Ireland and across the Irish border; and second, how Brexit has spurred a discussion about the (economic) appropriateness of partition on the island of Ireland in the post-Brexit period, the extent to which it has led to increased calls for a border poll, and how any future unification process might be economically managed. This includes some provisional evaluation of the economic costs and challenges in relation to future constitutional change for the island of Ireland and the UK. The discussion here connects with wider British constitutional issues including calls for Scottish independence and the possible break-up of the UK.
The UK decision to leave the European Union (EU) following a referendum in June 2016 fundamentally alters the country's relationship with the EU, with its European neighbours, with the rest of the world and potentially with its own constituent units. It is clear that different parts of the UK will be impacted differently by this decision and by the unfolding exit terms and process. In this context, Northern Ireland is considered to be particularly vulnerable. This article examines the referendum campaign in Northern Ireland by detailing input from the Northern Ireland administration, political parties, civil society and external figures. The article suggests that the overall referendum campaign in Northern Ireland was hamstrung by the opposing positions taken by key political protagonists, particularly Sinn Féin and the Democratic Unionist Party (DUP). This produced a challenging context for the referendum debate in Northern Ireland. The post-referendum period has also been marked by persistent differences in relation to how best to approach specific Northern Ireland issues and challenges. A continued absence of clear positions and a lack of contingency planning underline a poor level of preparedness for future political developments.
Ireland was one of the first EU member states to develop discrete European Studies programmes at higher education level. However, recent years have witnessed a decrease in the number of European Studies programmes, falling student numbers and an evident downgrading of the subject area. Broad economic constraints and political challenges to the ethos and orientation of Irish higher education have impacted on the vitality of the European Studies tradition. This article contends that this trend away from European Studies in Ireland is concerning, but that it can reversed. Drawing on experience and best practice elsewhere; better utilising a diversity of pedagogical tools and techniques; tapping into international networks and financial supports; building a cohesive Irish European Studies community; and communicating the merits of the European Studies model of education are important means of strengthening this branch of Irish higher education. In addressing the challenges facing the field, there are opportunities for European Studies to become a pedagogically innovative programme of study capable of nurturing a vibrant and dynamic student community and of producing highly skilled and coveted university graduates.
The creation of Northern Ireland's regional representation in Brussels (ONEIB) has changed the dynamics of the region's engagement with the EU. Devolution has formalised Northern Ireland's representation in Brussels and has created close links between it and UKRep. On balance, this new arrangement limits rather than enhances regional autonomy, and is in contrast to the pre-devolution period when the ability of regional actors to pursue influence in Brussels was less constrained by the institutions of the UK state. The result is a movement towards rather than away from government, where less formal modes of governance have been replaced by formalised and institutionalised government-directed arrangements. This contradicts the claims of MLG theorists who suggest that the evolving power and influence of regions has been to the detriment of states.