Suchergebnisse

A new world into old words : the eastern Baltic region and the cultural geography of medieval Europe -- The Baltic Crusades : a clash of two identities -- The emergence of Livonia : on the transformations of the social and political structures in the territory of Latvia during the twelfth and thirteenth centuries -- Sweden's conquest of Finland : a clash of cultures? -- Pope Honorius III and mission and crusade in the Baltic region -- Violent victims? : surprising aspects of the just war theory in the chronicle of Peter von Dusburg -- Sacralization of the landscape : converting trees and measuring land in the Danish Crusades against the Wends -- How to convert a landscape : Henry of Livonia and the Chronicon Livoniae -- Rural society and religious innovation : acceptance and rejection of Catholicism among the native inhabitants of medieval Livonia -- Saints' cults in medieval Livonia -- Sterile monsters : Russians and the Orthodox Church in the chronicle of Henry of Livonia -- Archbishop Vasilii Kalika of Novgorod, the Fortress of Orekhov, and the defence of Orthodoxy -- Orthodox churches in medieval Livonia -- Music and cultural conflict in the Christianization of Livonia, 1190-1290 -- Crossbows or catapults? : the identification of siege weaponry and techniques in the chronicle of Henry of Livonia -- The significance of the local Baltic peoples in the defence of Livonia (late thirteenth-sixteenth centuries) -- The eastern Baltic lands in the age of the Crusades : a select bibliography of publications in English

In terms of their social composition, the crusades to Palestine and Syria were unlike any other military campaigns in the Middle Ages or the modern world. The liberation and defence of the Holy Land required primarily the participation of experienced, motivated and well-equipped members of the traditional Western military classes, and the core of each crusade expedition was made up of the retinues of kings, prelates and the higher aristocracy from the countries of Europe which produced the main responses to papal calls to crusade. However, the canonical definition of crusades as penitential pilgrimages meant that most expeditions during the first century of the movement included large numbers of non-combatan! men, women and children, which caused significan! problems with regard to discipline and logistics. This situation only changed in the later twelfth century with a shift to the use of naval transport rather than the traditional land routes. ; Respecto a su composición social, las cruzadas a Palestina y Siria fueron diferentes a cualquier otra campaña militar medieval o moderna. La liberación y defensa de Tierra Santa requirió fundamentalmente de la participación de miembros experimentados, motivados y bien equipados pertenecientes a las clases militares tradicionales de Occidente. Del mismo modo, el núcleo de cada expedición cruzada se conformó a partir de los séquitos de los reyes, prelados y alta aristocracia de los países europeos en los que más respuestas se produjeron a las llamadas papales. Sin embargo, la definición canónica de las cruzadas como peregrinaciones penitenciales significaba que la mayoría de las expediciones acaecidas en el primer siglo del movimiento incluyesen grandes cifras de individuos no combatientes, incluyendo mujeres y niños, los cuales generaron importantes problemas en lo tocante a la disciplina y la logística. Esta situación solo se vio modificado o finales del siglo XII, cuando se produjo un cambio en las rutas de transporte de las terrestres a los marítimas. ; Respecte a la seva composició social, les croades a Palestina i Síria foren diferents o qualsevol altre campanya militar medieval o moderna. L'alliberament i defensa de Terra Santa va requerir fonamentalment la participació de membres experimentats, motivats i ben equipats pertanyents a les classes militars tradicionals d'Occident. De lo mateixa manera, el nucli de cada expedició es va conformar o partir deis sèquits deis reis, prelats, i alta aristocràcia deis països europeus en els que més respostes es van produir a les crides papals. No obstant això, lo definició conònica de les croades com peregrinacions penitencials significava que lo majoria de les expedicions esdevingudes en el primer segle del moviment incloguessin grans xifres d'individus no combatents, incloent dones i nens, els quals van generar importants problemes respecte a la disciplino i logística. Aquesta situació es va veure modificada o finals del segle XII, quan es va produir un canvi de rutes de transport de les terrestres o les marítimes.

In terms of their social composition, the crusades to Palestine and Syria were unlike any other military campaigns in the Middle Ages or the modern world. The liberation and defence of the Holy Land required primarily the participation of experienced, motivated and well-equipped members of the traditional Western military classes, and the core of each crusade expedition was made up of the retinues of kings, prelates and the higher aristocracy from the countries of Europe which produced the main responses to papal calls to crusade. However, the canonical definition of crusades as penitential pilgrimages meant that most expeditions during the first century of the movement included large numbers of non-combatan! men, women and children, which caused significan! problems with regard to discipline and logistics. This situation only changed in the later twelfth century with a shift to the use of naval transport rather than the traditional land routesRespecto a su composición social, las cruzadas a Palestina y Siria fueron diferentes a cualquier otra campaña militar medieval o moderna. La liberación y defensa de Tierra Santa requirió fundamentalmente de la participación de miembros experimentados, motivados y bien equipados pertenecientes a las clases militares tradicionales de Occidente. Del mismo modo, el núcleo de cada expedición cruzada se conformó a partir de los séquitos de los reyes, prelados y alta aristocracia de los países europeos en los que más respuestas se produjeron a las llamadas papales. Sin embargo, la definición canónica de las cruzadas como peregrinaciones penitenciales significaba que la mayoría de las expediciones acaecidas en el primer siglo del movimiento incluyesen grandes cifras de individuos no combatientes, incluyendo mujeres y niños, los cuales generaron importantes problemas en lo tocante a la disciplina y la logística. Esta situación solo se vio modificado o finales del siglo XII, cuando se produjo un cambio en las rutas de transporte de las terrestres a los marítimas. Respecte a la seva composició social, les croades a Palestina i Síria foren diferents o qualsevol altre campanya militar medieval o moderna. L'alliberament i defensa de Terra Santa va requerir fonamentalment la participació de membres experimentats, motivats i ben equipats pertanyents a les classes militars tradicionals d'Occident. De lo mateixa manera, el nucli de cada expedició es va conformar o partir deis sèquits deis reis, prelats, i alta aristocràcia deis països europeus en els que més respostes es van produir a les crides papals. No obstant això, lo definició conònica de les croades com peregrinacions penitencials significava que lo majoria de les expedicions esdevingudes en el primer segle del moviment incloguessin grans xifres d'individus no combatents, incloent dones i nens, els quals van generar importants problemes respecte a la disciplino i logística. Aquesta situació es va veure modificada o finals del segle XII, quan es va produir un canvi de rutes de transport de les terrestres o les marítimes.

Url: http://usad.selcuk.edu.tr/usad/article/view/96 ; Recent writing on the crusades has emphasised how much the military success of the First Crusade (1096-1099) owed to political and religious divisions within the Islamic world, which prevented any united Muslim response. Yet given the implacable rivalries between the Great Seljuk sultanate and its claim to leadership of the Sunnī world, and the Shī'ite caliphate of Egypt, one might well question whether any co-operation between them could have been reasonably expected. Much more significant was the lack of significant co-operation between the different Turkish powers. The Seljuks of Rūm, the Danishmendids, and the Artuqids had become independent powers, while the Seljuk sub-kingdoms and emirates of Aleppo, Damascus and Antioch had a high degree of autonomy from their nominal masters in Persia. Yet apart from the Seljuk heartlands of western Persia, and areas of significant Türkmen immigration, such as the Anatolian highlands and the Jazira, the Turks constituted a small military elite ruling over majority populations of Arabs, Greeks, and Armenians. Whereas some modern writing on the crusades claims that Westerners made few real distinctions between different Muslim groups, key sources show that the crusader leadership had a clear perception of the Turks as a distinct ethnic group separate from their subject populations. Drawing on the evidence of the Gesta Francorum, Fulcher of Chartres, Raymond of Aguilers, and Albert of Aachen, this paper will argue that, in contrast to the historical reality of political fragmentation, Western narrative sources present a picture of a powerful and unified Turkish world which extended from the Rūm-Byzantine borderlands to the original Seljuk homelands in Central Asia. In particular, the mysterious land of Corrozana (the Latin name for the historical Khūrasan) figures in chronicles as the epicentre of this empire, a constant source of military reinforcements and a place to which Christian captives are sent. It is argued that the crusaders' perception of a vast, united Turkish world derived from an awareness of the Turks as a conquering military elite, whose organisation and training ensured an effectiveness out of all proportion to their numbers. By the second half of the twelfth century the Franks even produced a history of the Turks which recorded their conquests from Khūrasan to the Levant. Written in the style of Western origin myths, this history thus gives the Turks a similar status to historic Western peoples such as Trojans, Goths, Normans and Scandinavians. It is a further indication of the mixture of fear and admiration with which the early crusaders viewed their Turkish opponents ; Yakın dönemde Haçlı Seferleri üzerine yapılan çalışmalarda Birinci Haçlı Seferi'nin (1096-1099) askeri başarısında Müslümanların birlikte hareket etmesinin önüne geçen İslam dünyasındaki siyasi ve dini bölünmelerin ne denli önemli olduğu vurgulanmaktadır. Ne var ki, Büyük Selçuklu Devleti'nin Sünni dünyasında liderlik iddiası ile Mısır'daki Şii Halifelik arasındaki amansız rekabet göz önüne alındığında, aralarında herhangi bir işbirliği olmasını beklemenin makul olup olmadığı tartışılır. Ancak bundan daha da önemlisi, farklı Türk güçleri arasında belirgin bir işbirliği olmamasıydı. Selçukluların Halep, Şam ve Antakya'daki eyaletleri İran'daki sözde yöneticilerinden yüksek ölçüde özerklik elde etmiş, Anadolu Selçukluları, Danişmendliler ve Artuklular bağımsız birer güç haline gelmişti. Ne var ki, Selçukluların İran'ın batısındaki merkezi ile Anadolu yaylaları ve Cezire gibi çok sayıda Türkmen göçmenin bulunduğu bölgeler dışında Türkler, Arap, Yunan ve Ermenilerden oluşan çoğunluk topluluklarını yöneten küçük, askeri bir elit kesimi teşkil ediyordu. Haçlı Seferleri hakkındaki bazı modern çalışmalarda, Batılıların farklı Müslüman grupları arasında gerçekte pek ayrım yapmadığı iddia edilmesine rağmen, konuya ilişkin ana kaynaklar Haçlı liderlerinin Türkleri yönettikleri topluluklardan ayrı, müstakil bir etnik grup olarak algıladıklarını göstermektedir. Gesta Francorum ile Chartres'lı Fulcherus, Aguilers'li Raimundus ve Aachen'lı Albertus'un eserlerindeki kanıtlara dayanarak, bu tebliğde, Batılı yazılı kaynaklarda, siyasi parçalanmanın tarihsel gerçekliğinin aksine, Anadolu Selçukluları ile Bizans arasındaki sınırdan Büyük Selçukluların Orta Asya'daki vatanına uzanan güçlü ve birleşik bir Türk dünyası ortaya koyulduğu iddia edilmektedir. Vakayinamelerde, özellikle gizemli Corrozana (tarihsel Horasan kentinin Latince adı) bu imparatorluğun merkez üssü olarak yer almakta; Horasan'dan sabit askeri takviye kaynağı ve Hristiyan tutsakların gönderildiği yer olarak bahsedilmektedir. Haçlıların engin ve birleşik Türk dünyası algısının ardında ise sayıca az olmalarına rağmen örgütlenmeleri ve eğitimleri sayesinde beklenmedik bir etkinlik gösteren Türklerin Haçlılar tarafından fetheden, askeri bir elit olarak görülmelerinin yattığı ileri sürülmektedir. On ikinci yüzyılın ikinci yarısında Franklar tarafından Horasan'dan Levant'a Türklerin fetihlerini kayıt altına alan bir Türk tarihi dahi kaleme alınmıştır. Batının köken efsaneleri tarzında yazılan bu tarihi anlatı, böylelikle Türklere Troyalılar, Gotlar, Normanlar ve İskandinavlar gibi tarihsel Batılı halklarınkine benzer bir statü vermektedir. Bu da, erken dönem Haçlıların Türk hasımlarına karşı duyduğu korku ve hayranlık karışımının bir diğer göstergesidir.

The chronicler William of Tyre is highly critical of the Hospitaller master Gilbert of Assailly, whom he blames for bankrupting the Order of the Hospital through his support for invasions of Egypt undertaken by King Amalric of Jerusalem. This essay attempts to identify and contextualise the concessions made by the king to the Hospitallers in exchange for their military support. It is argued that while the Egyptian campaigns involved a large financial investment for the Order, they promised vast economic gains in the event of a successful outcome, including a large contiguous territory in Lower Egypt and other property situated throughout the country. ; The chronicler William of Tyre is highly critical of the Hospitaller master Gilbert of Assailly, whom he blames for bankrupting the Order of the Hospital through his support for invasions of Egypt undertaken by King Amalric of Jerusalem. This essay attempts to identify and contextualise the concessions made by the king to the Hospitallers in exchange for their military support. It is argued that while the Egyptian campaigns involved a large financial investment for the Order, they promised vast economic gains in the event of a successful outcome, including a large contiguous territory in Lower Egypt and other property situated throughout the country.

The chronicler William of Tyre is highly critical of the Hospitaller master Gilbert of Assailly, whom he blames for bankrupting the Order of the Hospital through his support for invasions of Egypt undertaken by King Amalric of Jerusalem. This essay attempts to identify and contextualise the concessions made by the king to the Hospitallers in exchange for their military support. It is argued that while the Egyptian campaigns involved a large financial investment for the Order, they promised vast economic gains in the event of a successful outcome, including a large contiguous territory in Lower Egypt and other property situated throughout the country. ; The chronicler William of Tyre is highly critical of the Hospitaller master Gilbert of Assailly, whom he blames for bankrupting the Order of the Hospital through his support for invasions of Egypt undertaken by King Amalric of Jerusalem. This essay attempts to identify and contextualise the concessions made by the king to the Hospitallers in exchange for their military support. It is argued that while the Egyptian campaigns involved a large financial investment for the Order, they promised vast economic gains in the event of a successful outcome, including a large contiguous territory in Lower Egypt and other property situated throughout the country.