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Adorno's thought can be considered like an attempt, after Nietzsche, to save a form of critical-negative philosophy. Adorno, and more in general Critical Theory, have to be thought like alternative to the several form of postnietzscheian philosophy from Heidegger to Foucault and postmodernist thinkers. However, the internal developments of the Frankfurt School (Habermas, Honneth) shed light on some limits of Adorno's thought.

In this paper, I aim at interpreting the project of the encyclical as a sort of paradigmatic turn in the way of conceiving Christian faith. At paragraph 49, it is underlined that a "true ecological approach always becomes a social approach" and this implies the need of hearing "both the cry of the earth and the cry of the poor". In my view, by uniting the two categories of "nature/creation" and "poverty", the encyclical implicitly builds an ideal bridge between Pope Francis' paradigmatic turn and that "political turn" invoked by the Catholic theologian J. B. Metz from the end of the sixties through the proposal of a "New Political Theology". Indeed, the excesses of the neo-liberal paradigm and the perverse effects of a certain organization of global market pushes Christianity to act by involving all social, cultural and religious actors, in order to fight against all the forms of suffering and dehumanization of contemporary society. I'm also interested in underlining some weak aspects of Pope's ecological approach.

In questo saggio intendo far dialogare due dei maggiori rappresentanti della tradizione del liberalismo moderno e contemporaneo sul nesso giustizia/libertà. Il primo, Antonio Rosmini è l'esempio paradigmatico di pensatore religioso interessato a 'pensare' la storia con un approccio realista poco avvezzo alle utopie; il secondo, Friedrich August von Hayek, è uno dei membri più autorevoli diquella famosa Scuola Austriaca che a partire dal periodo fra le due guerre mondiali ha ingaggiato una lotta senza quartiere con la scuola keynesiana e con il socialismo sul modo in cui le istituzioni politiche devono interagire con il sistema di mercato.

In this paper, I suggest that we apply the category of "social Theodicy" to Bastiat's political and economic thought. By this category, it is possible to see how Bastiat's reflection is aimed to justify the presence of "social pathologies" in society against socialist theorists' intention to completely eliminate it by politics. Bastiat's defense of free market and human rights is based upon the refusal of the anthropological presuppositions of socialist theories according to which the presence of evil in human history does not come from human being but from the structure of society. In Bastiat's view, by refusing God and original sin, socialist programs subordinate individuals to society and so they eliminate moral freedom and responsibility.

Il saggio descrive l'esperienza del giovane Wittgenstein al fronte durante la prima guerra mondiale dove maturano le idee che confluiscono nel Tractatus.

Jürgen Habermas' recent work is focused on the relationship between reason and faith in what he suggest that we should name post-secular society. Habermas argues that traditional religions such as Christianity can have semantic contents very useful to uphold a moral motivation in order to contrast the instrumental reason of the globalized markets. I will try to show that these recent developments of Habermas' theories risk to conflict with some elements of his previous approach. As a consequence, I suggest that we carefully look to the critiques that the catholic theologian J. B. Metz made to Habermas' previous approach. In fact, I argue that Metz's proposal of a "New Political Theology", which is characterized by the concept of anamnestic reason, shows how to overcome, or complete, some limits of the first formulation of the theory of communicative rationality. Nevertheless, Habermas' recent openness on these topics, even if problematic with his previous approach, stimulates to rethink on the relationship between reason and faith, religion and democracy.

In this paper I compare Wittgenstein's and Adorno's different post- metaphysical visions of philosophy. In my opinion, it is possible to find many analogies between their approaches regarding the importance of the analysis of concepts and the relation between philosophy and music. But, while Adorno's theory is understandable just within the sort of philosophy of history traced in the famous Dialectical of Enlightenment, Wittgenstein is absolutely against such an approach. According to Adorno, negative dialectic is the only philosophical instrument useful to resist the universal tendency of domination of the Reason and his vision of language derives from that presupposition. By opposite, Wittgenstein believes that many "language games" exist and therefore our liberty depends on the possibility to use language in different ways. But the notion of "language games" presupposes that of "form of life" and therefore using language is a collective experience and not a monological one like in Adorno. This difference is the most important in order to understand why Adorno still believes in a positive role of philosophy while Wittgenstein not. More, according to Adorno, our li berty is also reachable thanks to that kind of music that stands opposite to social domination while Wittgenstein argues that we have to gain a contemplative perspective of the music in order to annul our suffering.

L'entrata nella seconda Repubblica è stata scandita dalla marcia trionfale della sinistra in predicato di vincere le elezioni politiche. I risultati elettorali più gratificanti della sinistra sono stati la traballante vittoria del 1996 e le non vittorie (sostanziali pareggi) del 2006 e del 2013, al contrario erano certe nelle previsioni e nei fatti le vittorie berlusconiane del 2001 e del 2008.