Suchergebnisse

Europeanization as statebuilding. Statebuilding as Europeanization : everyday performative acts in the western Balkans -- Kosovo : a European state is born -- Fantasies of Islam and Europe : the case of public intellectuals in Kosovo -- Performing Europe through rainbow flags : of LGBT politics in Pristina -- Celebrating and fantasizing Europe in Sarajevo -- "Tirana will not be Calcutta" : European activities and aesthetics in Tirana -- If only statues could talk! : the making of European Macedonia through Skopje -- Conclusion.

This article explains how the international project for building multi-ethnic democracy in Kosovo undermines itself by effectively opposing the very concept of democracy. Derrida explained this with 'autoimmunity', a term which describes the failed attempt of an organism to recognize its own constituent parts as self, leading to an immune response against its own cells and tissues. Unlike Derrida, I provide that the promotion or the building of multi-ethnic democracy in Kosovo commits suicide in its insemination because it is intrinsically undemocratic and because it defines the constituting elements of democracy on basis of ethnic lines while discriminating other identity forms such as gender, social, or economic class. First, the article contributes to the critique of 'liberal interventionism' and the logic of transposing 'models of governing' in third countries; second, it redefines Derrida's concept of autoimmunity with regard to international projects for democracy building.

This article discusses to what extent meanings and discourses on 'EU membership' on the one hand and on the 'Balkans' on the other, have shifted within Western Balkan countries in the past few years as a result of financial crisis in the European Union. Focusing on Kosovo and Bosnia and Herzegovina, the article uses Derrida's deconstruction to problematize the return of terms such as 'Balkan' and 'Balkanized', as a way to explain failures of the economic system. The article concludes that in the case of BH and to a lesser extent in Kosovo, there has been a de-mythicization of the EU.

There is an unimpaired link between ideas of Peace Agreements and Human Rights concept. Given the breadth of human rights and its complexity this paper will introduce the reader to the scope of the Human Rights Concept and the Peace Agreement aspects in the Republic of Macedonia since 1991. A greater emphasis is given on the Ohrid Framework Agreement in the range of conflict resolution and derivation of constitutional human rights changes in 2001 and its present challenges and perspectives. The paper is to proceed at three levels (i) analyze of processes that led to success/failure of implementation of agreement in Macedonia and (ii) empirical comparison of the processes at national level since 2001, and (iii) interdependence of peace agreement process and human rights in Macedonia. At the end the paper gives a special attention on the attempts for transformation of the Human Rights System in Macedonia from a rhetorical concept of ideals to a more concrete tool in the national level. Human Rights issues and reconciliation are becoming the main challenge factor for the integration of Macedonia into the European Union.

This article problematizes the concept of 'mission' in international interventions, who is entitled to missionize and how the missionized subject is conceptualized. By looking at the international missions in Kosovo (those of the UN and particularly the EU), we problematize how the EU mission in Kosovo is entrenched in a trajectory of 'missionizing' that makes it bear the stigma of a structure non-responsive and non-sensitive to the local. Employing Derrida's deconstruction, we explain that the criticism (academic, dogmatic, ideological and empirical) of international missions relates not so much to how they operate in their host countries, or to the policy choices they make. Rather, looking at the path dependency of missions in the Western historical and civilizational trajectory, we maintain that the problem derives from the idea and very concept of 'mission' as intervention in itself.

Introduction : local critiques of intervention and statebuilding / Vjosa Musliu and Gëzim Visoka -- International statebuilding and local resistance in Kosovo / Gëzim Visoka -- From Kosovo with hospitality : rethinking hospitality beyond Westphalia / Vjosa Musliu -- The hyperreality of enlargement : a Baudrillardian critique of the European Union in Kosovo / Krenar Gashi -- Local inclusion or exclusion? : security sector development in Kosovo / Florian Qehaja -- Making the law, ruling the law : international statebuilding and the rule of law in Kosovo / Dafina Buçaj -- The local voices and agency in statebuilding : a life story perspective / Arlinda Rrustemi -- Voices of the Serb minority in the Assembly of Kosovo / Jelena Loncar -- Inside-out and outside-in on dealing with the past in Kosovo : actors, voices, and practices / Nita Luci and Linda Gusia -- The subaltern of the local : the Roma, Ashkali and Egyptian women and statebuilding in Kosovo / Sakibe Jashari -- The politics of citizenship, social policy, and statebuilding in Kosovo / Artan Mustafa -- Conclusion : after local critiques / Gëzim Visoka and Vjosa Musliu

Die Wärmeversorgung im Siedlungsgebiet soll einen massgeblichen Beitrag dazu leisten, die Energiestrategie 2050 des Bundes umzusetzen und die klimapolitischen Ziele zu erreichen. Allerdings stellen sich bei Planung, Bau und Betrieb von Fernwärmenetzen verschiedenste Rechtsfragen, die bisher wenig Beachtung gefunden haben. Der vorliegende Beitrag beleuchtet zunächst die Zuständigkeitsordnung und die planerischen Vorgaben für den Bau eines Netzes. Sodann untersucht der Beitrag, welche Bewilligungen und Konzessionen erteilt resp. eingeholt werden müssen, wie der Betrieb eines Netzes an Drittpersonen übertragen werden kann und ob Anschlusspflichten bestehen und diese mit Anschlussrechten korrespondieren. -- L'approvisionnement en chauffage des zones urbanisées est déterminant pour la mise en œuvre de la stratégie énergétique 2050 de la Confédération et contribue à la réalisation des objectifs de la politique climatique. Toutefois, la planification, la construction et l'exploitation des réseaux de chauffage à distance soulèvent diverses questions juridiques. Le présent article analyse tout d'abord la répartition des compétences et les directives de planification pour la construction d'un réseau. Il examine ensuite quelles autorisations et concessions doivent être accordées ou obtenues, comment l'exploitation d'un réseau peut être transférée à des tiers, s'il existe des obligations de raccordements, et cas échéant, si celles-ci correspondent à des droits de raccordements.

This article examines how the Maidan protests of 2013–2014 were a space for the collision of conflicting narratives on what Ukraine is and what it should be, and how past, present, and future were used to imagine contemporary Ukraine. Making use of speech acts by local and international actors and politicians on the Ukraine crisis, historical narratives on Ukraine, Maidan protest slogans, and field work data gathered throughout 2013–2016 in Ukraine, we identify four meta-narratives that enable us to unravel such an imagining: (1) Ukraine as a liminal category between East and West; (2) Ukraine as Russia, Ukraine as non-Russia; (3) Ukraine as Europe, Ukraine as non-Europe; and (4) Ukraine as Ukraine. We trace and contextualize these narratives in four separate sections. Positing all narratives in a discursive battleground and problematizing them as a struggle between stories, the article demonstrates that the imagining of contemporary Ukraine is deeply conditioned by the conflict between all four narratives. Ukraine is simultaneously all and none of them.

The EU-facilitated dialogue between Belgrade and Pristina has been hailed as a major achievement for the European Union's (EU) foreign policy as well as for the 'European future' of Kosovo and Serbia, since it started in 2011. Looking at EU discourse – speeches, statements and press releases – this article problematizes the logic of the dialogue, its aims in the process and its outcomes. Using the framework of 'recontextualization', developed by Van Leeuwen and Wodak, we explore how the EU is substituting elements of the dialogue and adding elements that are not intrinsic to the process, which then create ambiguities which we problematize. We argue that ambiguities are not limited merely to the outputs of the dialogue, such as agreements, but they also obscure the very meaning of the dialogue for the EU, for Kosovo and Serbia, as well as for EU's relations with both countries.