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Objective. This paper analyzes the extent to which voter behavior in city formation elections supports Tiebout's (1956) hypothesis that residential sorting facilitates efficiency of local service provision. It develops a two‐stage model of city formation to distinguish agenda setting from voter outcomes on city formation proposals. Methods. Logit analysis is used to analyze voting in 71 city formation elections, incorporating Heckman's two‐stage procedure to correct for self‐selection of local referenda. Results. Community fiscal and demographic factors influence agenda setting more than voting behavior. Wealthier communities in high‐growth counties are more likely to propose formation of a city. In contrast, community characteristics have little influence on electoral outcomes, suggesting that boundedly rational voters rely on information heuristics. Conclusions. Although reduction of diversity did not appear to motivate city formation, sorting around residential income, land use preferences, and other demographic variables may facilitate relative efficiency of service provision.

This paper analyzes the extent to which voter behavior in city formation elections supports Tiebout's (1956) hypothesis that residential sorting facilitates efficiency of local service provision. It develops a two-stage model of city formation to distinguish agenda setting from voter outcomes on city formation proposals. Logit analysis is used to analyze voting in 71 city formation elections, incorporating Heckman's two-stage procedure to correct for self-selection of local referenda. Community fiscal & demographic factors influence agenda setting more than voting behavior. Wealthier communities in high-growth counties are more likely to propose formation of a city. In contrast, community characteristics have little influence on electoral outcomes, suggesting that boundedly rational voters rely on information heuristics. Although reduction of diversity did not appear to motivate city formation, sorting around residential income, land use preferences, & other demographic variables may facilitate relative efficiency of service provision. 4 Tables, 39 References. Adapted from the source document.

AbstractAlthough a wide‐ranging literature explores the favorable effects of social capital, it is only relatively recently that systematic attention has been directed to the manner in which social networks emerge and the consequent implications for civic engagement and collaborative governance. This article employs advanced social network statistical models to examine civic network emergence following a participatory reform in Los Angeles. Findings suggest that the reform fostered a number of favorable network attributes supportive of democratic participation. At the same time, subtle but ubiquitous effects of socioeconomic sorting had the unintended and undesirable effect of elevating higher‐status actors within the emergent civic network. These findings suggest that macro‐level policy interventions are required to foster the development of ties that promote cross‐talk among socioeconomically distinct community groups.

Federalism involves allocation of powers between units of government at different geographic levels. In local areas, changes in relationships between units of government may be effected through incorporation or disincorporation, annexation, formation of new layers of government, or interjurisdictional agreements. It may be difficult for residents who seek change to achieve it through alteration of jurisdictional boundaries or intergovernmental hierarchical relationships, however, they may gain similar benefits through intrajurisdictional arrangements such as neighborhood organizations. Such strategies of change from within are common, however, in an interesting variation, failed efforts at forming new jurisdictions through secession from the City of Los Angeles have occurred during startup of a neighborhood program intended to give greater voice to subjurisdictional areas. The article examines this situation, suggesting that formation of intrajurisdictional units may operate as an alternative form of local federalism.

The authors analyze the intraregional distribution patterns of federal expenditures across Southern Californian cities, using Consolidated Federal Funds Reports data from fiscal years 1983 to 1996. The findings suggest that although poorer cities benefit from larger amounts of anti-poverty funds, they receive lower amounts of other types of expenditure. Thus, the allocation of federal funds fails to promote fiscal equalization across cities and actually contributes to urban disparities. Regression analyses reveal that a city's poverty level and its proportion of minorities and immigrants have a negative impact on federal expenditure, but its fiscal capacity and institutional strength have a positive impact.

The cyclicality of economic recessions worsens fiscal stability and increases vulnerability to future shocks. This article argues that the concept of resilience provides an important frame for understanding the dynamic character of public financial management. The study introduces a theoretical framework that decomposes fiscal resilience into precrisis fiscal resistance, postcrisis fiscal recovery, and long-term fiscal renewal. It empirically tests the model employing a Cox proportional hazard model and over three decades of data (1991–2018) covering two previous recessions—the dotcom recession and the Great Recession. The findings indicate that although strategic decisions associated with revenue diversification and countercyclical capacity facilitate fiscal resilience, specific features of local government finances such as the revenue structure and service structure are critical to fiscal recovery and renewal. In addition, the underlying characteristics of each recession affect whether institutional and economic conditions facilitate fiscal resilience. The article discusses implications for financial management and emphasizes embedding resiliency-based frameworks in local government strategic planning.

AbstractFollowing reforms to the city charter in 1999, the City of Los Angeles is currently implementing a city‐wide system of neighbourhood councils that is intended to increase citizen participation in local governance and make city agencies more responsive to local needs. As neighbourhood council formation has gotten underway, faith organizations (FOs) have been identified as a promising resource for mobilizing involvement among groups that are traditionally underrepresented in the governance process. This article discusses the potential value of FOs' involvement in neighbourhood councils, as well as the likely obstacles to their participation, and reports preliminary findings from ongoing field research on neighbourhood council formation in Los Angeles. Given the diversity of religious missions and attitudes toward political involvement among American faith institutions we find it difficult to generalize about the likely role of the faith community in neighbourhood councils. However, the historical focus of Christian churches on issues of social justice as opposed to local community action, as well as the relative lack of participation by FOs in neighbourhood council formation to date, suggests that widespread involvement of FOs in the neighbourhood council process may be difficult to achieve. A targeted strategy of outreach and organizing directed toward those FOs most likely to participate seems required. Copyright © 2002 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.