Suchergebnisse

In 2017, Finnish celebrity Sini Ariell published a blog post titled "F*** this shit" in which she revealed her difficult feelings as a mother of a newborn baby. Attracting attention from Finnish media, the post went viral. Through the empirical analysis of affective reactions to the post on an anonymous online discussion board, we explore how the limits of the public expression of negative maternal feelings are negotiated and maintained, but also challenged. Our results highlight the normative, even punitive dynamics of the digital intimate public, as commenters on the discussion board often argued that struggles and unhappiness during motherhood should not be made public but dealt with in private. However, ambivalences and supportive comments suggested the possibility to challenge norms surrounding motherhood and widen the discussion of difficulties and inequalities in motherhood and family life. Based on our analysis, we argue that affective articulations of anger, anxiety and exhaustion may challenge the digital intimate public's "infrastructure of happiness", and they thus have political potential to disrupt the ideals of good motherhood and address the affective struggles that mothering often entails. ; peerReviewed

In Finland, becoming a mother is often constructed as an individual choice that ultimately leads to personal fulfilment and happiness, despite the occasional 'negative' feelings associated with motherhood such as exhaustion, frustration and tiredness. In this cultural atmosphere, maternal regret continues to be a subject that is hidden, forbidden and rarely scrutinised. It is perhaps surprising that in one of the world's most gender egalitarian countries, which is also perceived to be one of the best countries in which to be a mother, women still testify that motherhood is limited to survival. We argue that, somewhat paradoxically, discussing the negative emotions of motherhood might be particularly difficult in a relatively gender egalitarian society, where family policies are (by international comparison) fairly comprehensive and where becoming a mother is strongly constructed as a 'free choice'. These discourses often hide the fact that parenthood in Finland is still extremely gendered. Finland's masculine work culture with long working hours, the tendency for mothers and fathers not to take equal parental leave periods, and the cuts to welfare state services for families all contribute to the gendered division of parenthood. What are rarely discussed in connection with the struggles of mothering are political demands to improve gender equality. This chapter analyses discussion of maternal regret on an anonymous Finnish online discussion board. In comments from regretful mothers, motherhood is constructed as all-consuming, draining work. Hiding regret, especially from children, is seen as essential, as these mothers fear that their lack of 'correct' feelings will have adverse effects on their children. In comments responding to these regretful mothers, disbelief is a recurring theme with commenters suggesting that regretful mothers have misrecognised self-inflicted exhaustion or postnatal depression as regret. Such individualising responses depoliticise regret, contributing to the maintenance of taboos around ...

Reform of the family leave system has been on the Finnish political agenda for a long time but has proved to be a challenging task. The challenges relate to ideological differences between the political parties and to non-decision making in tripartite working groups, where the labour market parties participate in policy formulation. The article analyses the recent attempt to reform the Finnish family leave system under a right-conservative government (2015–2019) as an example of how diverging political ideologies and vested interests undermine adoption of government gender equality policy. The case also serves as an example of the growing influence of knowledge, and especially economic knowledge, in policy-making. The article provides new insights into the changing processes of decision-making in relation to gender equality policy. ; peerReviewed

Reform of the family leave system has been on the Finnish political agenda for a long time but has proved to be a challenging task. The challenges relate to ideological differences between the political parties and to non-decision making in tripartite working groups, where the labour market parties participate in policy formulation. The article analyses the recent attempt to reform the Finnish family leave system under a right-conservative government (2015–2019) as an example of how diverging political ideologies and vested interests undermine adoption of government gender equality policy. The case also serves as an example of the growing influence of knowledge, and especially economic knowledge, in policy-making. The article provides new insights into the changing processes of decision-making in relation to gender equality policy.

Perhevapaajärjestelmää on pyritty uudistamaan jo pitkään. Käytännössä uudistaminen on kuitenkin osoittautunut vaikeaksi. Uudistuksen kipukohdat liittyvät niin poliittisten puolueiden ideologisiin eroihin kuin uudistusten vesittymiseen kolmikantaisessa politiikkaprosessissa, jossa työmarkkinakeskusjärjestöt osallistuvat politiikan muotoiluun. Tasa-arvopolitiikan tutkimuksessa on keskeistä analysoida, millä ehdoilla ja minkälaisen prosessin kautta tasa-arvopolitiikka tulee voimaan. Epäonnistuneet prosessit ovat erityisen kiinnostavia, sillä ne kertovat paljon toimijoiden välisestä dynamiikasta ja valtasuhteista. Tässä artikkelissa tarkastelemme pääministeri Juha Sipilän hallituksen (2015-2019) epäonnistunutta yritystä uudistaa perhevapaajärjestelmä tasa-arvopolitiikan päätöksenteon prosessien näkökulmasta. Analysoimme uudistusta paitsi esimerkkinä valtiollisen tasa-arvopolitiikan epäonnistumisesta eriävien poliittisten ja ideologisten näkemysten ristipaineessa, myös esimerkkinä kolmikantaisen tasa-arvopolitiikan murroksesta. Artikkeli tuottaa uutta tietoa tasa-arvopoliittisen päätöksenteon muuttuvista prosesseista ja niihin liittyvistä haasteista. Artikkeli perustuu laajaan asiakirja-aineistoon (N=196) sekä uudistukseen osallistuneiden toimijoiden haastatteluihin (N=14), joiden kautta pääsemme pureutumaan, laadullisia menetelmiä hyödyntäen, syvemmälle siihen, miksi perhevapaauudistus kaatui.

Gender equality has been named as one of the normative foundations of Nordic wel- fare states. This is reflected in how, year after year, Nordic states rank among the most gender egalitarian countries in the world (see, e.g., World Economic Forum 2020). In Nordic countries, the state has been, and continues to be, a central actor in shaping women's citizenship, labor market opportunities, and caring roles. Especially publicly funded welfare services and policies that facilitate the reconciliation of work and care have played a major part in advancing women's labor market participation (see, e.g., Bergquist et al. 1999; Borchorst & Siim 2002; Ellingsæter & Leira 2006; Siim & Stoltz 2015). The institutional framework of Nordic welfare state policies has been central to what has been called the 'social democratic public service route' (Walby 2004).One of the important building blocks of gender equality has been the aim of making policies in Nordic countries 'women-friendly'. More than 30 years ago, Helga Hernes (1987) identified the Nordic countries as 'potentially women-friendly societies'. She char- acterized women-friendly societies as those that 'would not force harder choices on women than on men' (ibid., 15), particularly in relation to work and care. Hernes also envisaged that woman-friendliness should be achieved without increasing other forms of inequality, such as class or ethnicity-based inequalities among different groups of women.However, achieving gender equality in working life and the sort of womenfriendliness that Hernes envisaged at the societal level has in many ways also proved to be challenging, as the ties between the state and gender equality goals are more complex than what they might seem at first glance. Gender disparities have proven persistent also within the Nordic context. When we issued a call for this special issue, we were inter- ested in various forms of gendered labor market (dis)advantage in Nordic countries. Furthermore, we asked how gender segregation, welfare state policies, labor marketpolicies, and various labor market actors interact to produce, maintain, challenge, or change gender equality in the labor market in the Nordic countries and beyond. The five articles presented in this special issue address the issue of gendered labor market (dis)advantages in Nordic countries from several vantage points, focusing on both on 'traditional' questions, such as corporate power and sustainable employment, and 'emerging' questions such as intersectionality, gender culture, and aesthetic work.

Gender equality has been named as one of the normative foundations of Nordic wel- fare states. This is reflected in how, year after year, Nordic states rank among the most gender egalitarian countries in the world (see, e.g., World Economic Forum 2020). In Nordic countries, the state has been, and continues to be, a central actor in shaping women's citizenship, labor market opportunities, and caring roles. Especially publicly funded welfare services and policies that facilitate the reconciliation of work and care have played a major part in advancing women's labor market participation (see, e.g., Bergquist et al. 1999; Borchorst & Siim 2002; Ellingsæter & Leira 2006; Siim & Stoltz 2015). The institutional framework of Nordic welfare state policies has been central to what has been called the 'social democratic public service route' (Walby 2004).One of the important building blocks of gender equality has been the aim of making policies in Nordic countries 'women-friendly'. More than 30 years ago, Helga Hernes (1987) identified the Nordic countries as 'potentially women-friendly societies'. She char- acterized women-friendly societies as those that 'would not force harder choices on women than on men' (ibid., 15), particularly in relation to work and care. Hernes also envisaged that woman-friendliness should be achieved without increasing other forms of inequality, such as class or ethnicity-based inequalities among different groups of women.However, achieving gender equality in working life and the sort of womenfriendliness that Hernes envisaged at the societal level has in many ways also proved to be challenging, as the ties between the state and gender equality goals are more complex than what they might seem at first glance. Gender disparities have proven persistent also within the Nordic context. When we issued a call for this special issue, we were inter- ested in various forms of gendered labor market (dis)advantage in Nordic countries. Furthermore, we asked how gender segregation, welfare state policies, labor marketpolicies, and various labor market actors interact to produce, maintain, challenge, or change gender equality in the labor market in the Nordic countries and beyond. The five articles presented in this special issue address the issue of gendered labor market (dis)advantages in Nordic countries from several vantage points, focusing on both on 'traditional' questions, such as corporate power and sustainable employment, and 'emerging' questions such as intersectionality, gender culture, and aesthetic work.

Gender equality has been named as one of the normative foundations of Nordic wel- fare states. This is reflected in how, year after year, Nordic states rank among the most gender egalitarian countries in the world (see, e.g., World Economic Forum 2020). In Nordic countries, the state has been, and continues to be, a central actor in shaping women's citizenship, labor market opportunities, and caring roles. Especially publicly funded welfare services and policies that facilitate the reconciliation of work and care have played a major part in advancing women's labor market participation (see, e.g., Bergquist et al. 1999; Borchorst & Siim 2002; Ellingsæter & Leira 2006; Siim & Stoltz 2015). The institutional framework of Nordic welfare state policies has been central to what has been called the 'social democratic public service route' (Walby 2004).One of the important building blocks of gender equality has been the aim of making policies in Nordic countries 'women-friendly'. More than 30 years ago, Helga Hernes (1987) identified the Nordic countries as 'potentially women-friendly societies'. She characterized women-friendly societies as those that 'would not force harder choices on women than on men' (ibid., 15), particularly in relation to work and care. Hernes also envisaged that woman-friendliness should be achieved without increasing other forms of inequality, such as class or ethnicity-based inequalities among different groups of women.However, achieving gender equality in working life and the sort of women- friendliness that Hernes envisaged at the societal level has in many ways also proved to be challenging, as the ties between the state and gender equality goals are more complex than what they might seem at first glance. Gender disparities have proven persistent also within the Nordic context. When we issued a call for this special issue, we were interested in various forms of gendered labor market (dis)advantage in Nordic countries. Furthermore, we asked how gender segregation, welfare state policies, labor marketpolicies, and various labor market actors interact to produce, maintain, challenge, or change gender equality in the labor market in the Nordic countries and beyond. The five articles presented in this special issue address the issue of gendered labor market (dis)advantages in Nordic countries from several vantage points, focusing on both on 'traditional' questions, such as corporate power and sustainable employment, and 'emerging' questions such as intersectionality, gender culture, and aesthetic work.

Gender equality has been named as one of the normative foundations of Nordic wel- fare states. This is reflected in how, year after year, Nordic states rank among the most gender egalitarian countries in the world (see, e.g., World Economic Forum 2020). In Nordic countries, the state has been, and continues to be, a central actor in shaping women's citizenship, labor market opportunities, and caring roles. Especially publicly funded welfare services and policies that facilitate the reconciliation of work and care have played a major part in advancing women's labor market participation (see, e.g., Bergquist et al. 1999; Borchorst & Siim 2002; Ellingsæter & Leira 2006; Siim & Stoltz 2015). The institutional framework of Nordic welfare state policies has been central to what has been called the 'social democratic public service route' (Walby 2004). One of the important building blocks of gender equality has been the aim of making policies in Nordic countries 'women-friendly'. More than 30 years ago, Helga Hernes (1987) identified the Nordic countries as 'potentially women-friendly societies'. She characterized women-friendly societies as those that 'would not force harder choices on women than on men' (ibid., 15), particularly in relation to work and care. Hernes also envisaged that woman-friendliness should be achieved without increasing other forms of inequality, such as class or ethnicity-based inequalities among different groups of women. However, achieving gender equality in working life and the sort of women- friendliness that Hernes envisaged at the societal level has in many ways also proved to be challenging, as the ties between the state and gender equality goals are more complex than what they might seem at first glance. Gender disparities have proven persistent also within the Nordic context. When we issued a call for this special issue, we were interested in various forms of gendered labor market (dis)advantage in Nordic countries. Furthermore, we asked how gender segregation, welfare state ...

Gender equality has been named as one of the normative foundations of Nordic wel- fare states. This is reflected in how, year after year, Nordic states rank among the most gender egalitarian countries in the world (see, e.g., World Economic Forum 2020). In Nordic countries, the state has been, and continues to be, a central actor in shaping women's citizenship, labor market opportunities, and caring roles. Especially publicly funded welfare services and policies that facilitate the reconciliation of work and care have played a major part in advancing women's labor market participation (see, e.g., Bergquist et al. 1999; Borchorst & Siim 2002; Ellingsæter & Leira 2006; Siim & Stoltz 2015). The institutional framework of Nordic welfare state policies has been central to what has been called the 'social democratic public service route' (Walby 2004).One of the important building blocks of gender equality has been the aim of making policies in Nordic countries 'women-friendly'. More than 30 years ago, Helga Hernes (1987) identified the Nordic countries as 'potentially women-friendly societies'. She characterized women-friendly societies as those that 'would not force harder choices on women than on men' (ibid., 15), particularly in relation to work and care. Hernes also envisaged that woman-friendliness should be achieved without increasing other forms of inequality, such as class or ethnicity-based inequalities among different groups of women.However, achieving gender equality in working life and the sort of women- friendliness that Hernes envisaged at the societal level has in many ways also proved to be challenging, as the ties between the state and gender equality goals are more complex than what they might seem at first glance. Gender disparities have proven persistent also within the Nordic context. When we issued a call for this special issue, we were interested in various forms of gendered labor market (dis)advantage in Nordic countries. Furthermore, we asked how gender segregation, welfare state policies, labor marketpolicies, and various labor market actors interact to produce, maintain, challenge, or change gender equality in the labor market in the Nordic countries and beyond. The five articles presented in this special issue address the issue of gendered labor market (dis)advantages in Nordic countries from several vantage points, focusing on both on 'traditional' questions, such as corporate power and sustainable employment, and 'emerging' questions such as intersectionality, gender culture, and aesthetic work.