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Since its independence in January 1948, Myanmar has tried to find a way to deal with (at one time) ideologically hostile and traditionally chauvinistic China which has pursued a foreign policy aimed at restoring its perceived influence in Myanmar. To counter China's attempts to influence Myanmar's foreign policy options has always been a challenge for the Myanmar government. Since the 1950s, successive Myanmar governments have realized that Myanmar's bilateral relations with the People's Republic of China should best be conducted in the context of promoting the Five Principles of Peaceful Coex

This article argues that although the NLD government continues to adhere to the "independent, active, and non-aligned foreign policy," the policy will be implemented through multiple tracks in diplomacy with a possibility of stronger focus on people-to-people contacts and multilateralism. The NLD's foreign policy, in terms of objectives and principles, is not new but it is different, as adjustments are made in the realm of diplomacy. The reasons for this lack of foreign policy change or transformation are that (1) the predecessor USDP government has more or less adjusted the country's foreign policy, (2) the Tatmadaw (Myanmar Armed Forces) continues to exercise strong influence over the foreign policy process, (3) the emerging geopolitical environment in the Asia-Pacific region shapes the country's foreign policy choices, and (4) the NLD's leadership style and political mandate provide little room for public access and input in foreign policy decision-making. It is expected that activism in Myanmar's foreign policy will be once again centre stage, with more dynamic diplomacy being conducted through multiple tracks under the NLD government. Aung San Suu Kyi's fame and global influence is perhaps the most important asset and driving force behind Myanmar's return to the world of international diplomacy. Myanmar's foreign policy under the NLD government, while retaining the survival and security of the state at its core, will not aim for the narrow interest of regime survival, but instead for the best interests of both state and society in Myanmar. (JCSA/GIGA)

The successive Myanmar governments have been dealing with a question of how to manage their relations with China in order to preserve the country's independence, political autonomy, national sovereignty, and territorial integrity while asymmetry of power between the two countries is a reality. In the mid-1950s, the Myanmar government coined and popularized the term "Pauk-Phaw" (kinfolk) to guide and manage its relations with China. It is in the name of "Pauk-Phaw" that the Myanmar government has not only handled and resolved outstanding issues between the two countries but also stabilized the bilateral relationship whenever there is a problem. In order to understand Myanmar's approach towards China, this paper, therefore, raises the following question: what is the logic behind Myanmar's China policy? In other words, the paper tries to shed light on the substance of Myanmar's "Pauk-Phaw" concept. It is hereby argued that the logic of Myanmar's China policy, since the establish of diplomatic relations between the two countries, has been firmly based on Myanmar's historical legacies, internal security challenges, geopolitical realities, and regional security context. While its foreign policy behaviors toward China have been adjusted occasionally, these fundamental elements remain relatively unaltered in the logic of Myanmar's China policy.

Myanmar's foreign policy under the USDP government is historically consistent in terms of fundamental principles of being independent, active, and non-aligned, as promulgated in the Constitution. However, the USDP government has pronounced a new foreign policy objective of reintegrating Myanmar into the international community. This objective is not in conflict with the existing ones nor does it seek to replace them, but rather endeavours to supplement them to make Myanmar's foreign relations more active, dynamic, and international. This is by no means a major change in foreign policy orientation. It is merely an adjustment within the context of the fundamental principles of Myanmar's foreign policy to cultivate friendly and balanced relations with all major powers active in the Indo-Pacific region. The change is mostly in terms of how the foreign policy is implemented and diplomacy is conducted. Since it came to power in 2011, the USDP government has pursued a foreign policy strategy that delicately balances the strategic interests of major powers in the country, that primarily maintains friendly relations with countries both near and far, and that applies multilateralism with an emphasis on regional cooperation or regional institutions. The foreign policy adjustment under the USDP government is leadership-driven, and it appears that the president is a prime mover and the Tatmadaw is a lead institution. (JCSA/GIGA)

This paper argues that a key factor in Myanmar's new approach towards China since 2011 has been the Myanmar government's foreign policy goal to reintegrate itself into the international community. The success of this approach is dependent on Myanmar's rapprochement with the United States, which requires both domestic political reforms and a foreign policy realignment - a need to reduce Myanmar's dependence on China, particularly in the context of US-China strategic competition in the Indo-Pacific region. In the context of China-Myanmar relations, the factors that have influenced Myanmar's China policy since 2011 are growing anti-China sentiment in Myanmar, growing concern over China's interference in Myanmar affairs, and the rapprochement with the United States. Myanmar's China policy shift, in terms of direction, is by no means to seek to be independent of China, but rather for there to be an increased interdependence between the two countries. (JCSA/GIGA)

Myanmar's military regime drew global condemnation in September 2007 when it brutally suppressed anti-government demonstrations. Although this junction appeared to be a turning point since it facilitated greater international intervention, recent events indicate a return to "normalcy" as the regime ruled out dialogue with the main opposition party and proceeded with its own roadmap to political transition.

The year 2006 was marked by more entrenched and resilient military rule, which has become increasingly defiant against intense and growing international pressure. The Myanmar government has demonstrated that it plans to remain in power indefinitely and by any means, despite a successful effort by Western powers to place the Myanmar problem on the U.N. Security Council agenda.