Suchergebnisse

Introduction: the First World War and the Nationality Question: From Local to Glocal Perspectives / Xosé M. Núñez Seixas -- Cultural Mobility and Political Mobilization: transnational Dynamics, National Action / Joep Leerssen -- Wilson's Unexpected Friends: on the Transnational Impact of the First World War on Western European Nationalist Movements / Xosé M. Núñez Seixas -- Nationalizing an Empire: the Bolsheviks, the Nationality Question, and Policies of Indigenization in the Soviet Union (1917-1927) / Malte Rolf -- Territorial and Non-Territorial Autonomy in Multinational States: Otto Bauer's Theory / Ramón Máiz -- New Worlds Tackling on Side-tracks: the National Concepts of T.G.Masaryk and Oszkár Jászi during the First World War (1914-1919) / Bence Bari -- Micro-Nationalisms in Western Europe in the Wake of the First World War / Francesca Zantedeschi -- The Language Brotherhoods: European Echoes in the Development of Galician Nationalism (1916-1923) / Ramón Villares -- The Galician Language Brotherhoods and Minority Languages in Europe during the First World War / Johannes Kabatek -- The Impact of the First World War on the (Re-)Shaping of National Histories on Europe / Stefan Berger -- From Nationalities to Minorities? The Transnational Debate on the Minority Protection System of the League of Nations, and Its Predecessors / Stefan Dyroff -- Agrarian Movements, the National Question, and Democracy in Europe, 1880-1945 / Lourenzo Fernández-Prieto and Miguel Cabo.

AbstractThe leading elites of the ethnonationalist movements that developed in the aftermath of World War I in Western Europe usually refused to see their nations and territories as 'national minorities'. In their view, they were stateless nations or nationalities. However, in the aftermath of World War I, the prior international discussion on the nationality principle was increasingly replaced with the notion of 'minority rights', enhanced by the implementation of the Minorities Treaties by the League of Nations. Thus, the term 'national minority' emerged as a label that permitted ethnonationalist activist to present their claims on the international stage. This became evident in the participation of some Western European national movements in the activities of some transnational non‐governmental organisations, such as the Congress of European Nationalities (1925–1939). However, the general programme advocated by the most influential leaders of East‐Central ethnic minorities, based on the extension of the personal principle and the implementation of non‐territorial autonomy all over Europe, was hard to accept for ethnonationalist elites from Western Europe, which were interested in territorial home‐rule and believed that their homelands did not fit in the category of 'minority'. This article explores the modalities and limits of that cultural and political dialogue.

From the early 1930s, admiration for Hitler and Nazi Germany became characteristic of Spanish fascists. They were fascinated by the image of National Socialism and its example of 'national resurgence'. During the war, the influence of Nazi Germany among Spanish fascists, traditionalists and supporters of the emerging Franco regime increased. On their return, Spanish travellers to Nazi Germany portrayed an enthusiastic image of a new society, marked by strong national pride, economic resurgence, social solidarity and material welfare. Until the end of the Second World War, several thousand Spanish Fascists and supporters of the Franco Regime visited Nazi Germany as soldiers on their way to and from the Eastern front, as civil workers or as students. A study of the experiences of such individuals may broaden our perspective on how Nazi Germany influenced foreign visitors. What image of Nazi Germany did those visitors paint in their letters, diaries and memoirs? What was left from this experience in post-1945 Spanish memories?

Between 1941 and 1944, the Spanish Division of Volunteers took part in the Russian campaign as a unit integrated in the German Wehrmacht. Post-1945 war memoirs and even some historians have suggested that the 'Blue' Division was exceptional for their benign treatment of civilians and prisoners, distanced from the German War of Extermination. This image has not been subjected to critical enquiry. To what degree were the Spanish troops different from other Wehrmacht troops? Was the collective behaviour of the Spanish soldiers determined by the circumstances they encountered at the front, or was it related to their prior political socialization?

Ethno-nationalist exiles in the interwar period were a unique species. While some of them relied on their own diasporic networks and waited for a chance, others established agitation platforms and regarded themselves as an alternative International of the 'oppressed peoples'. Most of these alliances ended in failure, as it proved extremely difficult to reconcile the demands stemming from divergent national claims, such as those of autonomist factions versus irredentist or pro-independence groups, or those of national minorities seeking reintegration into their motherland as opposed to groups seeking independence. This article explores the relationship between minority nationalist exiles and anti-fascism by focusing on three issues: the emergence and evolution of 'international alliances' of minority activists in interwar Europe; contacts and ideological exchanges between ethno-nationalist exiles and liberal and anti-fascist segments of European public opinion and, finally, the emergence of a transnational anti-fascist nationality theory.

The Spanish 'Blue Division' has received significant historiographical and literary attention. Most research has focused on diplomacy and the role of the Division in fostering diplomatic relations between Spain and Germany during the Second World War. However, the everyday experience of Spanish soldiers on the Eastern Front, the occupation policy of the Blue Division and its role in the Nazi war of extermination remain largely unexplored. It is commonly held that the Spanish soldiers displayed more benign behaviour towards the civilian population than did the Germans. Although this tendency can generally be confirmed, Spanish soldiers were known for stealing, requisitioning and occasional acts of isolated violence; and also for the almost complete absence of collective, organized retaliation. Yet how did Spanish soldiers perceive the enemy, particularly Soviet civilians? To what degree did the better behaviour of Spanish occupying forces towards the civilian population reflect a different view of the enemy, which differed from that of most German soldiers?

"Providing a valuable overview of regionalism throughout the entire continent, Regionalism in Modern Europe combines both geographical and thematic approaches to examine the origins and development of regional movements and identities in Europe from 1890 to the present. A wide range of internationally renowned scholars from the USA, the UK and mainland Europe are brought together here in one volume to examine the historical roots of the current regional movements, and to explain why some of them - Scotland, Catalonia and Flanders, among others - evolve into nationalist movements and even strive for independence, while others - Brittany, Bavaria - do not. They look at how regional identities - through regional folklore, language, crafts, dishes, beverages and tourist attractions - were constructed during the 20th century and explore the relationship between national and subnational identities, as well as regional and local identities. The book also includes 7 images, 7 maps and useful end-of-chapter further reading lists. This is a crucial text for anyone keen to know more about the history of the topical - and at times controversial - subject of regionalism in modern Europe."--Bloomsbury Publishing