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Social scientists have long criticized American voters for being ""unsophisticated"" in the way they acquire and use political information. The low level of political sophistication leaves them vulnerable to manipulation by political ""elites,"" whose sway over voters is deemed incontrovertible and often decisive. In this book, Peter Nardulli challenges the conventional wisdom that citizens are ""manageable fools,"" with little capacity to exercise independent judgment in the voting booth. Rather, he argues, voters are eminently capable of playing an efficacious role in democratic politics an

Democracy enjoys unparalleled prestige at the beginning of the twenty-first century as a form of government. Some of the world's most prosperous nations are democracies, and an array of nations in Europe, Africa, and South America have adopted the system. This globalization has also met resistance and provoked concerns about international power exerted by institutions and elites that are beyond the control of existing democratic institutions. In this volume, leading scholars of democracy engage the key questions about how far and how fast democracy can spread, and how international agencies and international cooperation uneasily affect national democracies. At first glance, the efforts of intergovernmental organizations to intervene in a nation's governance seem anything but democratic to that nation. The contributors demonstrate why democracy has been so attractive and so successful, but are also candid about what limits it may reach, and why._x000B__x000B_Contributors are Lisa Anderson, Larry Diamond, Zachary Elkins, John R. Freeman, Brian J. Gaines, James H. Kuklinski, Peter F. Nardulli, Melissa A. Orlie, Buddy Peyton, Paul J. Quirk, Wendy Rahn, Bruce Russett, and Beth Simmons._x000B_

In looking at the remarkable proliferation of democracies since 1974, this volume offers important insight into the challenges and opportunities that democracy faces in the twenty-first century. Distinguished contributors detail the contemporary threats to democracy emanating from internal sources such as tensions arising over technology and its uses; ethnic, religious, and racial distinctions; and disparate access to resources, education, and employment. _x000B__x000B_Contributors are W. Lance Bennett, Bruce Bimber, Jon Fraenkel, Brian J. Gaines, Bernard Grofman, Wayne V. McIntosh, Peter F. Nardulli, Mark Q. Sawyer, Stephen Simon, Paul M. Sniderman, and Jack Snyder._x000B_

Democracy enjoys unparalleled prestige at the beginning of the twenty-first century as a form of government. Some of the world's most prosperous nations are democracies, and an array of nations in Europe, Africa, and South America have adopted the system. This globalization has also met resistance and provoked concerns about international power exerted by institutions and elites that are beyond the control of existing democratic institutions. In this volume, leading scholars of democracy engage the key questions about how far and how fast democracy can spread, and how international agencies and international cooperation uneasily affect national democracies. At first glance, the efforts of intergovernmental organizations to intervene in a nation's governance seem anything but democratic to that nation. The contributors demonstrate why democracy has been so attractive and so successful, but are also candid about what limits it may reach, and why._x000B__x000B_Contributors are Lisa Anderson, Larry Diamond, Zachary Elkins, John R. Freeman, Brian J. Gaines, James H. Kuklinski, Peter F. Nardulli, Melissa A. Orlie, Buddy Peyton, Paul J. Quirk, Wendy Rahn, Bruce Russett, and Beth Simmons._x000B_

In looking at the remarkable proliferation of democracies since 1974, this volume offers important insight into the challenges and opportunities that democracy faces in the twenty-first century. Distinguished contributors detail the contemporary threats to democracy emanating from internal sources such as tensions arising over technology and its uses; ethnic, religious, and racial distinctions; and disparate access to resources, education, and employment. _x000B__x000B_Contributors are W. Lance Bennett, Bruce Bimber, Jon Fraenkel, Brian J. Gaines, Bernard Grofman, Wayne V. McIntosh, Peter F. Nardulli, Mark Q. Sawyer, Stephen Simon, Paul M. Sniderman, and Jack Snyder._x000B_

"In this book, Peter Nardulli challenges the conventional wisdom that citizens are "manageable fools," with little capacity to exercise independent judgment in the voting booth. Rather, he argues, voters are eminently capable of playing an efficacious role in democratic politics and of routinely demonstrating the ability to evaluate competing stewards in a discriminating manner."--Jacket

front cover -- Title Page -- Copyright Page -- Table of Contents -- Preface -- 1. International Perspectives on Democracy in the Twenty-first Century -- I. Democratization on the Frontiers of the Third Wave -- 2. Democratization in the Twenty-first Century: The Prospects for the Global Diffusion of Democracy -- 3. Is Democracy Contagious? Diffusion and the Dynamics of Regime Transition -- 4. A Fourth Wave? The Role of International Actors in Democratization -- 5. "Western Institutions" and "Universal Values": Barriers to the Adoption of Democracy -- II. Globalization and Democracy -- 6. Issues, Information Flows, and Cognitive Capacities: Democratic Citizenship in a Global Era -- 7. Globaliztion, the Decline of Civic Commitments, and the Future of Democracy -- 8. Globalization, Sovereignty, and Democracy: The Role of International Organizations in a Globalizing World -- 9. Democracy and Markets in the Twenty-first Century: An Agenda -- 10. Economic Globalization and Democracy -- Contributors -- Index -- back cover.

front cover -- Title Page -- Copyright Page -- Table of Contents -- Preface -- 1. Democracy Challenged: Demography, Technology, and Democratic Possibilities -- Part I: Social Heterogeneity and Democracy: Challenges and Opportunities -- 2. Problems of Democratic Transition in Divided Societies -- 3. Citizens, Identities, and Democratic Dialogues: Opportunities and Challenges of Diverse Societies -- 4. Democracy, Diversity, and Leadership -- 5. Electoral Engineering, Social Cleavages, and Democracy -- Part II: Technology and Democracy: Mass-Elite Linkages in the Twenty-first Century -- 6. Technological Advances and Individual Liberties: Privacy and the Reach of the State in the Twenty-first Century -- 7. Engineering Consent: The Persistence of a Problematic Communication Regime -- 8. The Internet and Political Fragmentation -- Contributors -- Index -- back cover.

Conventional wisdom about the 2004 presidential election holds that it will be an exceptionally tight race. This wisdom is grounded in the results of the 2000 presidential election, current polls, and a general sense that electoral competition at the presidential level has tightened over the past decade. While there is ample justification for these beliefs, an examination of long-term voting trends (i.e., normal voting patterns) paints a different picture. In terms of the relative size of their electoral base, and its distribution across states, the Democrats begin the 2004 campaign with a distinct electoral advantage. Historically speaking, they have not begun a presidential campaign in such a strong position since 1944. Practically speaking, all the Democrats need to do is win the states in which they have a normal vote advantage to capture the presidency. If the Democrats can do this they need not win any Southern states in which the Republicans hold an electoral edge, including Florida. Moreover, even if Ralph Nader matches his statelevel returns in 2000, this will not be sufficient (by itself) to overcome the Democrats' electoral advantage in states that are essential to attaining an Electoral College majority.

The realignment perspective has exerted an enormous amount of influence on thinking about American politics, but recently it has fallen into disfavor. As a theory of political change, this dissatisfaction is warranted. However, in rejecting the realignment perspective, scholars risk losing a valuable concept, the notion of a critical realignment. My thesis is that, properly defined, the concept of a critical realignment can be a powerful tool in the study of electoral behavior and an important component of a broader theory of political change. This thesis derives from an analysis of presidential elections between 1828 and 1984. This analysis provides dramatic evidence for the proposition that critical realignments are important electoral phenomena. The evidence is equally clear, however, that critical realignments are subnational phenomena that vary considerably in form, not the majestic national movements some believed them to be. The analyses reported here reveal broadly based electoral eruptions of 40 to 50 points that endure for decades.