Suchergebnisse

Despite the importance of the "war on drugs," little research has examined Americans' attitudes toward drug-related issues. In particular, the extant literature has not considered period and cohort effects for views about drug control issues, although there are theoretical reasons to expect both to be important. In this paper the roles of period and cohort effects, net of individual-level predictors, for attitudes toward both governmental spending to address drug addiction and legalizing marijuana use were examined. Data from the General Social Surveys (1975 through 2006) were used. The logistic regression results showed variations in attitudes over time for both addiction spending and legalizing marijuana use. Cohort effects were also evident. The results suggest that a liberalization of attitudes, both over time and across cohorts, may be occurring, especially for the legalization of marijuana use.

This study uses data from the 1996 through 2002 General Social Survey to examine whether one variant of modern racial prejudice—"color coding"—explains support for several ostensibly nonracial government spending policies regarding crime, urban problems, and drug addiction (welfare and race spending are used as baseline measures). Findings indicate that color coding does not extend appreciably beyond its established focus of welfare and race and operates along a continuum with welfare and race at one end (heavily influenced by prejudice), addiction spending and urban spending at the other end (not influenced by prejudice), and crime spending situated in the middle (moderately influenced by prejudice). Possible causes of the continuum, as well as emerging aspects of the color coding phenomenon— specifically, its possible bidirectional effects and its subordination to political party affiliation in explanatory value—are discussed. Directions for future research that would shed additional light on the color coding phenomenon are also discussed.

This study uses data from the 1996 through 2002 General Social Survey to examine whether one variant of modern racial prejudice -- "color coding" -- explains support for several ostensibly nonracial government spending policies regarding crime,urban problems, and drug addiction (welfare and race spending are used as baseline measures). Findings indicate that color coding does not extend appreciably beyond its established focus of welfare and race and operates along a continuum with welfare and race at one end (heavily influenced by prejudice), addiction spending and urban spending at the other end (not influenced by prejudice), and crime spending situated in the middle (moderately influenced by prejudice). Possible causes of the continuum, as well as emerging aspects of the color coding phenomenon -- specifically, its possible bidirectional effects and its subordination to political party affiliation in explanatory value -- are discussed. Directions for future research that would shed additional light on the color coding phenomenon are also discussed. [Reprinted by permission of Sage Publications Inc., copyright The American Academy of Political and Social Science.]

In this paper we explicate the treatment process leading to the success of therapeutic communities (TCs) in rehabilitating clients through a case study of CREST, a combined TC and work release program for substance abusers with criminal histories. We develop a comprehensive framework for understanding how and why TCs provide effective treatment to substance-abusing clients. Using data derived from a process analysis of CREST, and substantiated by the literature on TCs, the model considers both structural and programmatic elements and individual level factors. Our framework is unique in that it attempts to show the dynamic processes ongoing among various elements in the setting to produce global changes in clients that are important for living drug free.

Objective. This article investigates how race/ethnicity is associated with specific types of violent crime such as killings between intimates, robbery homicide, or drug-related killings. We extend the study of the role of race and ethnicity for violence by examining five ethnic/immigrant groups, including the Mariel Cubans - a group singled out by many as particularly drug-crime-prone. Methods. Using 1980 through 1990 homicide data for the City of Miami, we use multinomial logistic regression to examine the association between race/ethnicity, nativity, and several types of homicide motives. Results. Contrary to popular expectations, ethnicity and immigration status rarely play a role in the types of homicide involvement of victims or violators. Incident characteristics, such as multiple offenders, or gender and age, were consistently more important influences in shaping homicide circumstances. Conclusions. The analyses revealed few significant relationships between immigration status and homicide motives, suggesting that immigrant groups like the Marielitos have more in common with native groups' experiences of criminal violence than is commonly assumed. (Original abstract)

Does the ethnic and immigrant composition of a community and existence of immigrant enclaves or barrios influence community level drug violence? This study explores the relationship between these and other factors in Miami and San Diego census tracts. We employ data about the distribution of Cubans, Central Americans, Haitians, Mexicans and Southeast Asians, controlling for social and economic influences of drug versus non-drug violence. We also analyze the impact of various waves of immigration and immigrant communities to understand the circumstances under which drug violence occurs or is limited at the census tract level. The findings lend some support to the positive and negative aspects of Portes and Rumbaut's (2001) segmented assimilation hypothesis in Miami and San Diego neighborhoods. The strength of this conclusion varies and is contingent upon ethnic composition, new versus old immigration, and the all-encompassing effects of economic deprivation

Objective.This article investigates how race/ethnicity is associated with specific types of violent crime such as killings between intimates, robbery homicide, or drug‐related killings. We extend the study of the role of race and ethnicity for violence by examining five ethnic/immigrant groups, including the Mariel Cubans—a group singled out by many as particularly drug‐crime‐prone.Methods.Using 1980 through 1990 homicide data for the City of Miami, we use multinomial logistic regression to examine the association between race/ethnicity, nativity, and several types of homicide motives.Results.Contrary to popular expectations, ethnicity and immigration status rarely play a role in the types of homicide involvement of victims or violators. Incident characteristics, such as multiple offenders, or gender and age, were consistently more important influences in shaping homicide circumstances.Conclusions.The analyses revealed few significant relationships between immigration status and homicide motives, suggesting that immigrant groups like the Marielitos have more in common with native groups' experiences of criminal violence than is commonly assumed.