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This paper draws upon quantitative data collected from one of the principal associations fighting Islamophobia in France along with the population census, and provides a step forward in understanding the operation and distribution of Islamophobia. It presents a geography of Islamophobia in Paris based on statistical data, and aims to observe whether or not this geography corresponds or contrasts with geographies of inequality (such as those associated with gentrification, deprivation and marginalisation), by analysing the various spatial patterns stemming from the maps. This socio-spatial analysis of anti-Muslim discrimination is important in Paris because since the terrorist attacks in 2015, anti-Muslim sentiment has increased sharply. The mapping of Islamophobia and its association with the spatial distribution of different socioeconomic and demographic variables synthetized in a typological map display significant forms, relations and diversities within Paris. This cartographic analysis demonstrates that the geography of Islamophobia does not necessarily refer to spaces where 'Muslims' and the victims of Islamophobia live in great majority, and rather refers to more privileged and central areas such as Paris intra-muros. Victims mostly experience anti-Muslim incidents outside their everyday spaces away from their homes, such as public institutions and workplaces. Indeed, the findings raise the significance of the exact place where incidents occur as well as societal attitudes to these 'hierarchical' places where the perpetrator probably feels more comfortable in behaving in an antisocial and sometimes violent way.

This paper proposes a socio-cognitive approach to how people assess the different neighborhoods of a city. The main objective is to show that beyond the meanings associated with each neighborhood, the way in which residents relate to and evaluate their own neighborhood and the city center influence how residents perceive and assess the other remaining neighborhoods of the city. The assessment of one neighborhood cannot be analyzed separately from the other neighborhoods. Cognitive processes of assimilation, contrast, contagion, and non-contagion contribute to the conceptualization of a city's neighborhoods from the two main emotional and symbolic anchorages of residents. However, the implementation of these processes is conditioned by the socio-spatial situation of the interviewees. In this regard, a field survey of 320 residents was conducted in different neighborhoods of Besançon (in France), and allows us to show that the geographical anchorages of a resident's own neighborhood and the city center are systematically more positively assessed than the other neighborhoods. The more these geographical anchorages are appreciated, the more the other neighborhoods are also positively assessed. The fact that it is impossible for a city's neighborhoods to be autonomous is discussed in this paper in terms of socio-cognitive constructions of urban segregations.

The spatial distribution of urban functions and populations is not random, this distribution canhighlight inequalities which call into question our democratic societies based on the principle ofequality. This principle is based on the relationship between the "social" and the "spatial" whichmainly consist in investigating social disparities in urban areas and what is perceived as an injustice byindividuals. To understand these socio-spatial dynamics, we focus our research on the urban history ofBesançon, Mulhouse and Strasbourg as well as the relations between the inhabitants and theirresidential environment. Using large geo-localized databases from INSEE, we study the spatialdistribution of households and its evolution over a period of nearly twenty years (1990-2007). Inaddition, we seek to observe the various ways of living of the residents of Besançon, that is to say theirresidential logics and their spatial practices and representations via field surveys. Thus, this thesis isbased on a double approach: the first one is macroscopic, historic and quantitative and the second oneis microscopic and qualitative. The study presents the socio-spatial structures of the studied cities andthe trajectories of districts (more exactly the IRIS: the smaller census area) in order to show thedifferent trends of evolution (gentrification, pauperisation.) in a comparative perspective. Specificfactors of evolution are also linked to the location of the studied cities as well as to their urban andsocial functions, their internal organisation and their size. The field surveys, for their part, revealseveral behavioural rules that we compare considering the social diversity of districts. Thisinformation collected from surveys is more subjective, but it completes the census data and gives themmeaning. Finally, we show that the membership of a socio-spatial group does not determinesystematically residential behaviours. ; La répartition spatiale des fonctions et des populations urbaines n'est pas due au hasard, elle peutmettre en évidence des inégalités qui interrogent nos sociétés démocratiques fondées avant tout sur leprincipe d'égalité. Celui-ci s'appuie sur les relations entre le « social » et le « spatial » qui consistentprincipalement à explorer les inégalités sociales dans les espaces urbains et ce qui est ressenti commeune injustice par les individus. Pour saisir ces dynamiques socio-spatiales, nous focalisons notrerecherche sur l'histoire urbaine de Besançon, Mulhouse et Strasbourg ainsi que sur les rapports entreles habitants et leur environnement résidentiel. À l'aide des grandes bases de données géo-localiséesde l'INSEE, nous étudions la distribution spatiale des ménages ainsi que son évolution sur une périodede près de vingt années (de 1990 à 2007). Par ailleurs, nous cherchons à observer les différents modesd'habiter des Bisontins, c'est-à-dire leurs stratégies résidentielles ainsi que leurs pratiques etreprésentations spatiales à l'aide d'enquêtes de terrain. Cette thèse s'appuie donc sur une doubleapproche : l'une macroscopique, historique et quantitative et l'autre microscopique et qualitative. Elleprésente finalement les structures socio-spatiales des zones d'étude et les trajectoires des quartiers(plus précisément des IRIS) afin de montrer les diverses tendances d'évolution (gentrification,paupérisation…) dans une optique comparative. Des facteurs d'évolution spécifiques apparaissentégalement en lien avec la localisation des villes d'étude ainsi qu'avec leurs fonctions urbaines etsociales, leur organisation interne et leur taille. Les enquêtes révèlent, pour leur part, plusieurs règlescomportementales qu'il s'agit de comparer compte tenu de la diversité sociale des quartiers. Cesinformations collectées à partir d'enquêtes sont plus subjectives, mais elles complètent les données desrecensements et leur donnent du sens. Au final, elles montrent que l'appartenance à un groupe sociospatialene détermine pas systématiquement les comportements résidentiels.

The spatial distribution of urban functions and populations is not random, this distribution canhighlight inequalities which call into question our democratic societies based on the principle ofequality. This principle is based on the relationship between the "social" and the "spatial" whichmainly consist in investigating social disparities in urban areas and what is perceived as an injustice byindividuals. To understand these socio-spatial dynamics, we focus our research on the urban history ofBesançon, Mulhouse and Strasbourg as well as the relations between the inhabitants and theirresidential environment. Using large geo-localized databases from INSEE, we study the spatialdistribution of households and its evolution over a period of nearly twenty years (1990-2007). Inaddition, we seek to observe the various ways of living of the residents of Besançon, that is to say theirresidential logics and their spatial practices and representations via field surveys. Thus, this thesis isbased on a double approach: the first one is macroscopic, historic and quantitative and the second oneis microscopic and qualitative. The study presents the socio-spatial structures of the studied cities andthe trajectories of districts (more exactly the IRIS: the smaller census area) in order to show thedifferent trends of evolution (gentrification, pauperisation.) in a comparative perspective. Specificfactors of evolution are also linked to the location of the studied cities as well as to their urban andsocial functions, their internal organisation and their size. The field surveys, for their part, revealseveral behavioural rules that we compare considering the social diversity of districts. Thisinformation collected from surveys is more subjective, but it completes the census data and gives themmeaning. Finally, we show that the membership of a socio-spatial group does not determinesystematically residential behaviours. ; La répartition spatiale des fonctions et des populations urbaines n'est pas due au hasard, elle peutmettre en évidence des inégalités qui interrogent nos sociétés démocratiques fondées avant tout sur leprincipe d'égalité. Celui-ci s'appuie sur les relations entre le « social » et le « spatial » qui consistentprincipalement à explorer les inégalités sociales dans les espaces urbains et ce qui est ressenti commeune injustice par les individus. Pour saisir ces dynamiques socio-spatiales, nous focalisons notrerecherche sur l'histoire urbaine de Besançon, Mulhouse et Strasbourg ainsi que sur les rapports entreles habitants et leur environnement résidentiel. À l'aide des grandes bases de données géo-localiséesde l'INSEE, nous étudions la distribution spatiale des ménages ainsi que son évolution sur une périodede près de vingt années (de 1990 à 2007). Par ailleurs, nous cherchons à observer les différents modesd'habiter des Bisontins, c'est-à-dire leurs stratégies résidentielles ainsi que leurs pratiques etreprésentations spatiales à l'aide d'enquêtes de terrain. Cette thèse s'appuie donc sur une doubleapproche : l'une macroscopique, historique et quantitative et l'autre microscopique et qualitative. Elleprésente finalement les structures socio-spatiales des zones d'étude et les trajectoires des quartiers(plus précisément des IRIS) afin de montrer les diverses tendances d'évolution (gentrification,paupérisation…) dans une optique comparative. Des facteurs d'évolution spécifiques apparaissentégalement en lien avec la localisation des villes d'étude ainsi qu'avec leurs fonctions urbaines etsociales, leur organisation interne et leur taille. Les enquêtes révèlent, pour leur part, plusieurs règlescomportementales qu'il s'agit de comparer compte tenu de la diversité sociale des quartiers. Cesinformations collectées à partir d'enquêtes sont plus subjectives, mais elles complètent les données desrecensements et leur donnent du sens. Au final, elles montrent que l'appartenance à un groupe sociospatialene détermine pas systématiquement les comportements résidentiels.

The spatial distribution of urban functions and populations is not random, this distribution canhighlight inequalities which call into question our democratic societies based on the principle ofequality. This principle is based on the relationship between the "social" and the "spatial" whichmainly consist in investigating social disparities in urban areas and what is perceived as an injustice byindividuals. To understand these socio-spatial dynamics, we focus our research on the urban history ofBesançon, Mulhouse and Strasbourg as well as the relations between the inhabitants and theirresidential environment. Using large geo-localized databases from INSEE, we study the spatialdistribution of households and its evolution over a period of nearly twenty years (1990-2007). Inaddition, we seek to observe the various ways of living of the residents of Besançon, that is to say theirresidential logics and their spatial practices and representations via field surveys. Thus, this thesis isbased on a double approach: the first one is macroscopic, historic and quantitative and the second oneis microscopic and qualitative. The study presents the socio-spatial structures of the studied cities andthe trajectories of districts (more exactly the IRIS: the smaller census area) in order to show thedifferent trends of evolution (gentrification, pauperisation.) in a comparative perspective. Specificfactors of evolution are also linked to the location of the studied cities as well as to their urban andsocial functions, their internal organisation and their size. The field surveys, for their part, revealseveral behavioural rules that we compare considering the social diversity of districts. Thisinformation collected from surveys is more subjective, but it completes the census data and gives themmeaning. Finally, we show that the membership of a socio-spatial group does not determinesystematically residential behaviours. ; La répartition spatiale des fonctions et des populations urbaines n'est pas due au hasard, elle peutmettre en ...