Judges and Political Reform in Egypt
In: Middle Eastern studies, Band 46, Heft 4, S. 626-628
ISSN: 1743-7881
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In: Middle Eastern studies, Band 46, Heft 4, S. 626-628
ISSN: 1743-7881
In: Critique: Critical Middle Eastern Studies, Band 17, Heft 2, S. 117-133
In: The review of politics, Band 69, Heft 1, S. 128-131
ISSN: 1748-6858
In: The review of politics, Band 69, Heft 1, S. 128-C
ISSN: 0034-6705
Prompted by Strauss's advice, Dr. Muhsin Mahdi of Harvard University, in addition to editing, translating, and commenting on Alfarabi's philosophy, has supervised a number of young scholars, including the author of the book under review, to investigate various aspects of his philosophy. In addition to Socrates' list of impediments, such as the animosity between the philosopher and the multitude, the desire of the politically ambitious to rule, the reluctance of the philosopher to be politically involved or his unsuitability to rule, or even whether philosophy is necessary to the 'balanced management of the city,' Alfarabi was confronted with a vast geographical expanse, a number of ethnic and religious groups incorporated in the Muslim state, different languages and dialects, and varied climates, all of which he took into account. The three key parts of Parens's argument focus on Alfarabi's comparison of Islam's universalistic ambition to the virtuous city of the Republic, on the requirement of every city and every nation to become virtuous in its own right, and, this being remote if not impossible, 'each religion must be suited in each time and place to the national character of each people.'.
In: The Middle East journal, Band 50, Heft 3, S. 443
ISSN: 0026-3141
In: International journal of Middle East studies: IJMES, Band 20, Heft 4, S. 568-570
ISSN: 1471-6380
In: International journal of Middle East studies: IJMES, Band 20, Heft 1, S. 126-128
ISSN: 1471-6380
In: Middle East Studies Association bulletin, Band 19, Heft 1, S. 86-88
In: The review of politics, Band 46, Heft 4, S. 600-604
ISSN: 1748-6858
In: International journal of Middle East studies: IJMES, Band 15, Heft 3, S. 418-419
ISSN: 1471-6380
In: The review of politics, Band 45, Heft 2, S. 296-299
ISSN: 1748-6858
In: Middle East Studies Association bulletin, Band 15, Heft 1, S. 20-22
In: The Middle East journal, Band 33, Heft 4, S. 528
ISSN: 0026-3141
In: The review of politics, Band 38, Heft 3, S. 449-452
ISSN: 1748-6858
In: The review of politics, Band 38, Heft 1, S. 57-87
ISSN: 1748-6858
In Egypt, as in most developing countries, universities form part of the state system. The university is regarded as a government department. The Egyptian government not only appropriates money for higher education, but also controls the administrative structure of the universities and the higher institutes. Academic appointments as well as promotions and dismissals are in the hands of state officials. This kind of relationship dates back to 1925, when the Egyptian government "nationalized" and created what is now the University of Cairo. This development is closely related to the rise of Egyptian nationalism and the efforts of Egyptian leaders to achieve independence from British rule. Right from the beginning, the university was therefore conceived as an important instrument for the realization of national (political) goals.