"Most employers will have a workforce where at least 10% of their people will have a visible or invisible disability. And 86% of all disabled people acquire their disability during the course of their working lives. How can businesses create strategies and a company culture that includes all staff? Ensure that your company or organization doesn't become guilty of the soft bigotry of low expectations when it comes to disabled employees and customers. Learn from your disabled staff and consumers and be equipped to be a better and more dynamic organization. Kate Nash, founder of #PURPLELIGHTUP - a global movement which celebrates the economic contribution of employees with disability - will help you understand how any organization can ensure disabled staff and consumers are included and valued. Telling a fascinating story of how to make change happen and recognizing that any kind of transformation requires knowledge, determination and hard yards of campaigning, networking and deal making, you will learn how to build disability confidence throughout your organization. Positively Purple allows disabled workers to claim their rightful place centre stage as just another valuable member of the team"--
"The language of human rights is the most prominent 'people-centred' language of global justice today. This textbook looks at how human rights are constructed at local, national, international and transnational levels and considers commonalities and differences around the world. Through discussions of key debates in the interdisciplinary study of human rights, the book develops its themes by considering examples of human rights advocacy in international organisations, national states and local grassroots movements. Case studies relating to specific organisations and institutions illustrate how human rights are being used to address structural injustices: imperialist geopolitics, authoritarianism and corruption, inequalities created by 'freeing' markets, dangers faced by transnational migrants as a result of the securitization of borders, and violence against women"--
»Difference« feminists criticise liberalism as essentially masculine: its supposedly universal categories, notably that of the individual, can not be extended to encompass women. This paper argues that if we see the individual and women as fictive it is possible to understand how liberalism may be more flexible than these feminists allow. The individual and women are analysed as fictive in two senses: i) the Derridean sense in which being »is« not because it is never fully present to itself: there are no stable, determinate identities. The individual and women are deconstructed in the liberal political philosophy of J. S. Mill, ii) the sense in which fictive identities in the first sense produce »effects of truth«: fiction fictions reality. J. Butler's conception of performativity is compared to Laclau's and Mouffe's theory of hegemony: the latter, it is argued, better describes how new (fictive) identities are established in practice. The example is the feminist extension of individual rights to women in the nineteenth century. ; »Difference« feminists criticise liberalism as essentially masculine: its supposedly universal categories, notably that of the individual, can not be extended to encompass women. This paper argues that if we see the individual and women as fictive it is possible to understand how liberalism may be more flexible than these feminists allow. The individual and women are analysed as fictive in two senses: i) the Derridean sense in which being »is« not because it is never fully present to itself: there are no stable, determinate identities. The individual and women are deconstructed in the liberal political philosophy of J. S. Mill, ii) the sense in which fictive identities in the first sense produce »effects of truth«: fiction fictions reality. J. Butler's conception of performativity is compared to Laclau's and Mouffe's theory of hegemony: the latter, it is argued, better describes how new (fictive) identities are established in practice. The example is the feminist extension of individual rights to women in the nineteenth century.
The question this paper will address is that of the role of ideas in the development of the social and political institutions of women's citizenship, historically and in the future. It considers the distinction made by Anne Phillips in The Politics of Presence between a conventional "politics of ideas", in which political representation is taken to involve the representation of party policies and voter preferences and beliefs, and a "politics of presence" in which democratic procedures are held to require the physical presence of members of social groups. For Phillips, the latter is preferable because while political equality entails both the inclusion of voices previously excluded from the political process, it also involves an informed judgement of the probable outcome of that process, and she believes that the presence of women could contribute positively to the development of social rights for women as women. In this paper I will take issue with Phillips' view by way of a discussion of feminist theories of the relation between liberal political ideology and women's citizenship. On the basis of this discussion I will suggest that the theory of hegemony developed by Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe is the best way of understanding this relation and that the rather different politics of ideas it proposes is at least as important to feminist strategies to end the secondary status of women's citizenship as Phillips' "politics of presence". ; The question this paper will address is that of the role of ideas in the development of the social and political institutions of women's citizenship, historically and in the future. It considers the distinction made by Anne Phillips in The Politics of Presence between a conventional "politics of ideas", in which political representation is taken to involve the representation of party policies and voter preferences and beliefs, and a "politics of presence" in which democratic procedures are held to require the physical presence of members of social groups. For Phillips, the latter is preferable because while political equality entails both the inclusion of voices previously excluded from the political process, it also involves an informed judgement of the probable outcome of that process, and she believes that the presence of women could contribute positively to the development of social rights for women as women. In this paper I will take issue with Phillips' view by way of a discussion of feminist theories of the relation between liberal political ideology and women's citizenship. On the basis of this discussion I will suggest that the theory of hegemony developed by Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe is the best way of understanding this relation and that the rather different politics of ideas it proposes is at least as important to feminist strategies to end the secondary status of women's citizenship as Phillips' "politics of presence".
