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The article examines the development of physics research in Ukraine on the example of the Ukrainian Institute of Physics and Technology (UIPT). Founded on the initiative of the eminent physicist Abram Ioffe, the UIPT has gradually become one of the world's leading research institutions. During 1928–1938, many important events took place at the institute, which became markers for the development of physics in Ukraine and the USSR as well as in the world. An experiment on the fission of atomic nucleus using artificially accelerated protons confirmed the validity of the intentions to reorient research towards nuclear physics. The involvement of foreign specialists in the work of the UIPT contributed to the informal consolidation of scientific thinking in physics. Outstanding physicists of the world such as Boris Podolskyi, Oleksandr Weisberg, Konrad Weiselberg, Friedrich Houtermans, Laszlo Tisza, Fritz Lange, Victor Weisskopf, George Placzek, Paul Dirac, Georgii Gamov, Niels Bohr, Paul Ehrenfest, and others worked here for longer or shorter periods. Niels Bohr, Ivar Waller, Milton S. Plesset, Evan J. Williams, and Leon Rosenfeld made reports at the theoretical conferences of UIPT. As a result, in the late 1920s and during the 1930s, an informal society of physicists from around the world was formed in Kharkiv. The consolidation of talented scientists has accumulated traditions, centuries of experience, and practical knowledge in the field from many scientific schools around the world.

The article shows the phenomenon of instrumentalization of history in educational process of the «Donetsk People's Republic». The authors emphasize that the problem is an urgent question. From one side, investigation is caused by the social necessity connected with the Ukrainian-Russian conflict. From another side, it is the result of the scientific importance related to the current trends of the development of history. The paper is focused on the methodology which is used for instrumentalization of history in educational institutions. Its purpose is to study learning process in the secondary schools of the «Donetsk People's Republic» and identify the methodological peculiarities of teaching the course «History of the Fatherland». The authors conclude that the studied textbooks successfully combine the qualities of educational literature and tools of informational and psychological influence. The most important features of the course «History of the Fatherland» are exaggeration of the regional interests (which are inextricably linked with the state interests of the Russian Federation) and «mnemonic war» (when the very fact of the existence of the Ukrainian ethnic group and Ukrainian statehood becomes the object of concealing). The authors conclude that by means of historical material manipulation and using the political myths of Russian imperial and Soviet historiography course «History of the Fatherland» form a regionally centric Ukrainophobic worldview of the students of ORDO. In the paper it is claimed that the level of instrumentalization of the course «History of the Fatherland» allows talking about it as a mean of information warfare. According to the authors, the presented conclusions should help the Ukrainian society to realize the seriousness of the problem. The paper should encourage cooperation of authorities with scientists to protect national memory policy, because neglecting this issue in the future may lead to coexistence of youth communities in Ukraine with conflicting cultural values.

The article analyzes modern tendencies in Ukrainian historiography of XIX – and early XX century Jewish pogroms. General works on the history of Ukraine, special works devoted to anti-Jewish violence, and the study of the similar problems, that has been published in the last two decades, are considered. The general context of works, their sources, previous researches influence, conclusions of which the authors came, etc. are analyzed. Reading the intelligence on the pogroms, we can see, that the pogroms were largely the result of modernization, internal migration, the relocation to Ukraine of workers from the Russian provinces of the Romanov Empire and so on. Pogroms are also viewed in the context of social and revolutionary movements. That is, the violence, according to researchers, led to the emergence of Zionism. Also, Jews were actively involved to the left movement, while falling victim to extreme Russian nationalists and chauvinists - the Black Hundreds. We have special works dedicated to the pogroms of the first and second waves, which, however, are not so many. Their authors find out the causes and consequences of the pogroms, the significance of violence for the Jewish community and Ukrainian-Jewish relations, the attitude of the authorities and society to these acts of violence, and so on. Some Ukrainian historians research the problem of pogroms on various issues. Among them are works on the history of Jews from different regions of Ukraine, communities of individual cities, Ukraine as a whole; the history of the Ukrainian peasantry, the monarchical and Black Hundred movement in Ukraine, the revolutionary events of 1905-1907, migration processes in Ukrainian lands, the formation of modern nations, the life and work of prominent figures and more. The authors conduct full-fledged research using a wide source base, including archival materials, which, however, are often factual in nature. This is a disadvantage, because historians are "captured" by the sources on which they rely. We also have conceptual research that refers to a broad historiography of the problem, including foreign. These works often draw the reader's attention to a broader - the imperial, modernization or migration context. It is important, that researchers see actors of Ukrainian history in the Jewish population. Because of this, they are much less interested in the future of the Jews who left the Ukrainian lands than in the researchers of Jewish history.

The paper considers the risk identification of inefficiency concerning 51 Ukrainian joint-stock companies of machine building in 2012–2017. The value added at factor cost (VA) is determined as the resulting indicator of production efficiency, which is a source of income of various social groups, so it contributes to combined efforts. To support advanced production and management technologies, rather than an extensive market capture, the multiplicative model of VA has been suggested with the VA share in output to assess the quality processes within the enterprise. Economic analysis of the annual public financial statements and the structural statistics were conducted to study proportion between the cost elements in sum of expenses with link to profit in net turnover for the main operating activity. As a result the models of two types of risk coefficient have been proposed. It has been verified by statistical analysis. Data were checked on submission to normal distribution law by Shapiro – Wilk test and homogeneity by coefficient of variation. With the help of nonparametric analysis of variance by Kruskal – Wallis test and Spearman rank correlation coefficients; it has been proved that risk groups differ from other enterprises and from each other statistically significantly. We conclude that 37% of the sample enterprises are risky; a third of this is the large and medium-sized companies. Advantages of the method in comparison with Ward clusterization were shown. When making decisions about resource allocation, it should be confirmed that the enterprise is risk-free according to algorithms provided. To improve situation it needs to apply sustainable development concept.

The article studies the significance of public institutions for successful functioning of a market economy. The emphasis is placed on the fact that market institutions are formed through social organization and evolution. The structure of modern society is clarified; combination of professional performance of the functions of its social group and adherence to moral values are selected to be the main criterion of the structure. The hypothesis of isomorphism of the social structure is advanced, according to which the decrease in the share of people in civil society with rent-seeking behavior can lead to similar shifts in business and public sector. The system of economic control is proposed that corresponds to division of society into three main social groups. The new content of control, which proceeds from the concept of sustainable development and the theory of systems, is revealed. The essence of the new type of control is formation of socially significant analytical information capable of launching mechanisms of self-organization of enterprises, including self-control. The main corrective tool is the publication of these findings. Attention is paid to original sources of information for civil control (for example, financial and tax reporting of enterprises), which is not a commercial secret in accordance with Ukrainian legislation. Institutional mechanisms, such as compulsory mechanism of the law, normative mechanism of professional opinion, imitative mechanism of positive practice, promotion of information, involvement of supporters and cooperation with foundations are listed. It is concluded that the introduction of economic control by civil society can strengthen public institutions such as law, morality, property, enterprise, trust in society, fair competition, etc. This, most likely, will have a positive impact on development of the economy.

Today, in the conditions of a full-scale brutal war unleashed by the Russian Federation, Ukraine is experiencing the greatest upheaval since the World War ІІ. The memory of the previous war on Ukrainian territory played and continues to play a significant role in the scientific, political, and cultural spheres. The purpose of this article is to highlight the main aspects of the study of the memory of the Second World War in the conditions of the Russian-Ukrainian war (since 2014). We believe, that the proposed directions are relevant today and in the future. Before the Revolution of Dignity and the beginning of the Russian aggression in 2014, post (Soviet) and national narratives of the politics and culture of remembrance of the Second World War existed simultaneously in the Ukrainian discourse. After the mentioned events, and especially after the legally enshrined refusal of using the term "Great Patriotic War" and other changes, the national paradigm of war memory was finally established. There have been decisive changes in the politics of memory, historical politics, commemorative practices, the teaching of the events of World War II history in school, etc. This article proposes and briefly analyzes problems that, in our opinion, may be of interest to Ukrainian and foreign researchers of enshrined refusal memory, memory politics, historical politics, etc. That is Euromaidan, the beginning of Russian aggression and a rethinking of the previous paradigm of commemoration of the war, in particular the "decommunization laws" of 2015. The impact of a full-scale Russian invasion in 2022, legislative changes in 2023. Russian instrumentalization of commemoration of the Second World War in the conditions of hybrid and full-scale wars and the Ukrainian response. "Places of memory" dedicated to the war in urban space and changes in commemorative practices. Memory of the Second World War in toponymy - the dynamics of changes. Images of war in the educational process, etc.

At the beginning of the XXI century, a noticeable segment of the digital environment of the Russian Federation became a mass representation of visual images advertising its armed expansion with the aim of establishing itself within the borders of the USSR and seizing the territories of other states. Among such digital images, illustrations in the genre of alternative history attract attention. Their purpose is to exert propaganda influence in the youth environment. The authors of these works identify Russia and the Soviet Union and suggest the public users to dream about the topic: "How would the course of world history change if the USSR existed in the 21st century?". Source criticism of these visual sources indicates that they belong to the means of informationpsychological influence, which are an integral part of the Russian-Ukrainian hybrid war. The viewer's subconscious feels the aggressive influence of a visual series of Soviet political symbols in the plot, which uses motifs from wellknown works of mass culture, as well as scenes of violence. As a result, in a viewer is formed a psychological setting for a positive assessment of the historical experience of the USSR and a tolerant attitude towards the heroization of the Soviet totalitarian past. One of the most popular plots of propaganda content is the revival of the Soviet Union as a neo-imperial communist project using advanced military-space technologies and the war of the Russian Federation with NATO. The communities "USSR-2061" and "Russian Space Society" are points of crystallization of supporters of such ideas on the Internet. These communities spread their visual messages on Telegram, Facebook, Twitter, VKontakte, LiveJournal and YouTube. As a carrier of ideological allusions are used digital paintings, made by techniques of concept and promo art. Both types of visual art are widely applied in the process of gamification of the digital space. Therefore, they correspond to the aesthetic tastes of modern youth, turning them into the main object of a visual information attack. The conceptual charge of these arts attaches to the use of historical pictorial symbols: the coat of arms and flag of the USSR, details of the landscape, interior, clothing, weapons, and transport. In the paintings depicting the metropolises of the second half of the 21st century, the viewer sees architectural monuments in the style of the Stalinist Empire. Colorful scenes of battle painting «promise» the viewer the complete destruction by Soviet soldiers of the future world of the «collective West». So, according to the authors of the article, the futuristic visual political message for the Russian regime in the course of the hybrid war turned into one of the means of informationpsychological influence, capable of performing manipulative and campaigning functions both in the Russian Federation and in other countries, that belong to the orbit of its desired political influence. The potential possibilities of using futuristic political messages as an informational weapon necessitate further scientific study of this phenomenon.

The article examines a unique historical event – a mass "exodus" of Ukrainian civilians caused by the Russian invasion in 2022. Since February 24, 2022, about 15 million have been displaced. This category can be divided into internally displaced persons (≈8 million) and Ukrainians who found temporary shelter abroad (≈7 million). Ukrainian refugees are a large social group whose members are united by the shared status of displaced persons and common problems typical for refugees. The article examines the internal structure of the group and five "waves" of internally displaced persons, differing in the time of exit from places of permanent residence, social composition, and attitudes. The article identifies a category of citizens who refused to leave and remained in their homes. Likewise, the paper also sheds light on the perspective of the invading power toward civilians. Firstly, the aggressor viewed civilians as hostages and means of blackmail; secondly, it provoked a mass exodus to pressure European countries; thirdly, the aggressor used local communities as a source of support for its own military; fourthly, Ukrainian civilians were used as a "biomass". It is concluded that the social capital acquired during the previous decades of Ukrainian independence played an essential role in preventing panic, chaos, and social catastrophe. The article suggests that it could be beneficial to design "exit strategies" from large cities and specific regions to ensure Ukrainian civilians' safety.

This article is devoted to the study of the place and role of the religious component in the worldview of the contemporary teacher. The principle of secularism in the legal field of Ukraine is a guarantee of everyone's freedom to make decisions independently, to self-determine in the spiritual sphere without the intervention of the power factor. Freedom of conscience, proclaimed by the Law of Ukraine on Freedom of Conscience and Religious Organizations, means the confession of a certain religion or atheistic worldview. At the same time, it is important to generally recognize the weight of religion, understand its historical role, create an atmosphere of tolerance and respect for the Other, the absence of stereotypes and prejudices. Separation of religion from the state due to secularization, the neutrality of the state in relation to the church, does not mean indifference to religious values. The XXI century, on the contrary, raises the question of involving generally humane ethical religious norms in the educational process for the formation of highly spiritual qualities in young people. Among the urgent tasks of the spiritual development of contemporary Ukraine is raising the level of national-patriotic consciousness of citizens. The entry of the domestic higher education system into the Bologna process is relevant in globalization because training future professionals determines one of the outstanding trends in the protection of national interests. It is important to emphasize the connection between religion and the formation of Ukrainian culture since the times of Kievan Rus, to highlight the importance for modern democratic Ukraine of peaceful coexistence of different religious denominations, coverage of the general historical and cultural significance of the Tomos on Autocephaly of the Orthodox Church of Ukraine from 2019. The leading role belongs to the teacher, and the main characteristic of the block of social - humanitarian disciplines remains the study of personality, its spiritual culture in space and time and pedagogy aimed at a comprehensively developed man of today.