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This study found that the theology in the Risalah at-Tawhid by KH. As'ad Syamsul Arifin is moderate, namely the balance between reason and religious texts (naqli). The concept of kyai As'ad's tri-tawhid has a foundation from previous scholars and the relationship between the two is mutually attached (talazum), so it is inconceivable if someone who believes in one of them also denies the other. Both have different basic meanings, but have the same meaning (madlul), so it is inconceivable to believe in one of them and deny the other. In contrast to the Wahhabi (Ibn Tamiyah) tri-tawhid concept, it is problematic because it adheres to one of the three categories of monotheism. In fact, the substance of monotheism is the endorsement of Allah and the implication is that the polytheists do not believe in monotheism. Furthermore, the Risalah at-Tawhid examines Sufism, Suluki and philosophy. Suluki Sufism is implemented in the form of a tarekat. Meanwhile, philosophical Sufism includes fana' as a form of awareness of the existence of communication and dialogue between the human spirit and God through contemplation. Likewise, this book examines politics and the criteria for leadership as a form of social Sufism. Namely, Sufism is not only concerned with individual piety but also the movement for socio-political change. This Sufism model is a balance between the life of the world and the hereafter. Thus, this book belongs to the category of progressive and moderate thinking.

The system of national education considered necessary a reform. During the time national education only yielding depressed human being, is not critical and is not creative, thinking and acting only according to power structure. National education have to be returned to powered of society and to realize the new vision of society Indonesia which Madani. National education represent the demand foundament commended by constitution 1945. Therefore national education have to as according to constitution, realizing democratic society, esteem the human right and form of government smart Indonesian nation.

The system of national education considered necessary a reform. During the time national education only yielding depressed human being, is not critical and is not creative, thinking and acting only according to power structure. National education have to be returned to powered of society and to realize the new vision of society Indonesia which Madani. National education represent the demand foundament commended by constitution 1945. Therefore national education have to as according to constitution, realizing democratic society, esteem the human right and form of government smart Indonesian nation.

This study focused on the system of social organization, the internalization process in the family, phases of the internalization, values are internalized Java manners and internalization models used. The purpose of this study to determine the implementation process of internalization, its phases, values and manners Java internalization models used. The research was conducted in three families in Bonjokmangir Java. The interpretive techniques used to analyze the values contained in the manners of the three families of Java. This study uncovered three families in the internalization process Bonjokmangir, values and manners Java internalization models used. Character values include the principles of Java respectful, harmonious life, honesty, introspection, sincere and selfless, mindful character, manners, ngati-ati, nrima and resigned. Internalization stage there are three phases namely the unborn baby through childhood, during adolescence and adulthood period. Internalization models used a model of democracy, exemplary models, wayang model fitting and communication model using the Java language and manners in the family associate.

Dalam sejarah positivisasi perwakafan di Indonesia mengalami pasang surut sesuai dengan kebijakan politik dan hukum yang diterapkan. Pada masa pra-kemerdekaan Indonesia, wakaf merupakan tradisi masyarakat Indonesia karena banyak kerajaan Islam seperti Kerajaan Demak, kerajaan Samudera Pasai, dan Kerajaan Mataram. Konsekuensinya, wakaf sebagai bagian yang tidak terpisahkan dari budaya Indonesia, seperti pendirian masjid, pesantren, dan lembaga Pendidikan yang bersumber dari wakaf di berbagai pelosok tanah air. Begitu pula lahir salah satu sumber hukum wakaf yang cukup kuat yang berasal dari akumulasi kitab-kitab terdahulu yang menjadi kurikulum di pesantren. Aturan ini adalah berupa Instruksi Presiden No 1 Tahun 1991 tentang Kompilasi Hukum Islam (KHI). KHI merupakan hasil kesepakatan para ulama tentang perkawinan, kewarisan, dan perwakafan yang menjadi sumber utama rujukan para hakim di Pengadilan Agama. Dengan adanya KHI ini, ketentuan fiqh yang tersebar di berbagai buku fiqh klasik dengan sendirinya tidak terpakai, karena sudah ada KHI. KHI merupakan sumber utama setelah PP No 28 Tahun 1977. Jika fiqh yang bersifat tidak mengikat berubah menjadi qanun, maka statusnya wajib diikutinya. Kemudian posisi perwakafan dalam sistem hukum nasional mengalami tantangan ketika mengacu pada teori pluralisme hukum. Akibtanya, pluralisme hukum dalam sistem hukum Indonesia terkadang kuat dan lemah. Namun, setelah era reformasi perwakafan mengalami kekuatan yang sangat signifikan. Lahirnya UU No. 42 tahun 2004 tentang wakaf adalah lebih progresif, karena telah diatur wakaf berjangka (mu'aqqat yang mengakomodasi mazhab Hanafiyah), wakaf benda bergerak (uang, logam mulia, surat berharga, kendaraan, hak atas kekayaan intelektual, hak sewa, dan benda bergerak lain sesuai dengan ketentuan syari'ah dan peraturan perundang-undangan yang berlaku) dan nazhir yang lebih profesional. Dalam pengelolaan wakaf, telah ada tindakan riil dengan proyek percontohan (pilot project) di seluruh Indonesia.

This study found that the relationship between santri and kyai is a pattern of emotional relations such as the feudal system. Kyai has three pillars. They are the mass base as a pattern of social structure, the ulama base as a leadership structure and the cultural base as a scientific basis. However, these three pillars have experienced a shift due to the kyai's entry into practical politics due to his political ijtihad. This shift places the authority of the kyai from a spiritual teacher (central position) to a politician (peripheral position). In this case, the kyai is still obeyed when he is in a central position as a spiritual teacher and not obeyed when his position is marginal as a politician. Of course, this becomes an authority dilemma as experienced by kyai Fawaid who is directly involved in practical politics. The involvement of kyai Fawaid in politics does not belong to the opportunist category but is a form of concern for carrying out the commands of ma'ruf nahi munkar in social transformation. Kyai Fawaid's political ijtihad was strongly influenced by the habituation of Islamic boarding schools based on fiqh. Habituation here is to create a political situation and condition (persistence life situation) through a process of internalization and habituation in accordance with the values of the pesantren, not to be carried away by the flow of political habituation which is always pragmatic and materialistic. The result of his Ijitihad that winning in politics by deception must be abandoned and losing in the right way must be maintained. Thus, the findings of this study can invalidate the theory from the results of research that has been carried out by Ernst Utrecht, Mochtar Naim, Daneli Lev, Justus van der Kroef, Arnold Brackman and Munir Mulkan, where they say that kyai or pesantren of Nahdlatul Ulama who participate politics are opportunists.

This study found that the relationship between santri and kyai is a pattern of emotional relations such as the feudal system. Kyai has three pillars. They are the mass base as a pattern of social structure, the ulama base as a leadership structure and the cultural base as a scientific basis. However, these three pillars have experienced a shift due to the kyai's entry into practical politics due to his political ijtihad. This shift places the authority of the kyai from a spiritual teacher (central position) to a politician (peripheral position). In this case, the kyai is still obeyed when he is in a central position as a spiritual teacher and not obeyed when his position is marginal as a politician. Of course, this becomes an authority dilemma as experienced by kyai Fawaid who is directly involved in practical politics. The involvement of kyai Fawaid in politics does not belong to the opportunist category but is a form of concern for carrying out the commands of ma'ruf nahi munkar in social transformation. Kyai Fawaid's political ijtihad was strongly influenced by the habituation of Islamic boarding schools based on fiqh. Habituation here is to create a political situation and condition (persistence life situation) through a process of internalization and habituation in accordance with the values of the pesantren, not to be carried away by the flow of political habituation which is always pragmatic and materialistic. The result of his Ijitihad that winning in politics by deception must be abandoned and losing in the right way must be maintained. Thus, the findings of this study can invalidate the theory from the results of research that has been carried out by Ernst Utrecht, Mochtar Naim, Daneli Lev, Justus van der Kroef, Arnold Brackman and Munir Mulkan, where they say that kyai or pesantren of Nahdlatul Ulama who participate politics are opportunists.

This paper found that the classical Maqashid Syari'ah which had been constructed by the previous ulama was exclusive because it had the main characteristics, namely: the object of study was only fiqh (fiqh oriented), using a partial Madinah periodization, the concept was ambiguous, non-linear, and partly the application is not hierarchically consistent. Consequently, the Maqashid in the current context is less accommodating. Thus, construction is needed the Maqashid Syari'ah moderate, namely: progressive Maqashid Syari'ah . The characteristics, at-tasamuh (maintaining tolerance), comprehensive studies (including theology, fiqh, and Sufism), proposing argumentation kulli from the proposition of juz'i, and use the periodization of Mecca. Besides that, construction Maqashid Syari'ah progressives have two concepts that can develop flexibly. First, the concept janib al-wujud (offensive aspects) can realize universal and inclusive values, such as constitutional, human rights, equality, pluralism, democracy, and the rule of law. Second, janib al-'adam (defensive aspects) can prevent radicalism, terrorism, violence, disintegration, and sectarianism.

This paper found that the classical Maqashid Syari'ah which had been constructed by the previous ulama was exclusive because it had the main characteristics, namely: the object of study was only fiqh (fiqh oriented), using a partial Madinah periodization, the concept was ambiguous, non-linear, and partly the application is not hierarchically consistent. Consequently, the Maqashid in the current context is less accommodating. Thus, construction is needed the Maqashid Syari'ah moderate, namely: progressive Maqashid Syari'ah . The characteristics, at-tasamuh (maintaining tolerance), comprehensive studies (including theology, fiqh, and Sufism), proposing argumentation kulli from the proposition of juz'i, and use the periodization of Mecca. Besides that, construction Maqashid Syari'ah progressives have two concepts that can develop flexibly. First, the concept janib al-wujud (offensive aspects) can realize universal and inclusive values, such as constitutional, human rights, equality, pluralism, democracy, and the rule of law. Second, janib al-'adam (defensive aspects) can prevent radicalism, terrorism, violence, disintegration, and sectarianism.

Islamic and political discourse in Indonesia has had a long experience. Since Indonesia's independence, the discourse on political Islam has become a fundamental conversation, especially at the beginning of independence. The conversation continued well in the New Order era and got strengthened in the era of bureaucratic reform. If in the New Order era, political Islam was strongly suppressed, so that it had almost no land to develop, then in the era of bureaucratic reform it became even stronger. The emergence of radical and extreme Islamic groups marked the growing strength of the Islamic era which carried the khilāfah movement. In the midst of this reality, moderate Islam emerged, which carried the theme of Nusantara Islam and Progressive Islam. Both of them were imaginatively contemplated by the Nur Syam with the conception of Progressive Nusantara Islam projected to be a permanent solution to overcome the radical Islam in Indonesia.

AbstractThis research is focused on how the problem of traffic violations committed by children. This study aims to determine the problems related to the problem that most often occurs in the community in the form of traffic violations by children. Law enforcement against traffic violations by children has been strictly regulated in the legislation, namely Law Number 22 of 2009 concerning Road Traffic and Transportation, but traffic violations by children are still very high. This type of research is a normative juridical research. The research was conducted qualitatively by relying on library research.The results of the study show the forms of traffic violations by children ranging from; don't wear a helmet, don't have a driver's license, run red lights, ride more than two people and drive at high speed. Traffic violations by children are a form of failure of social groups that exist in a child's life, one of which is the family and the individual child's environment.Keywords: Children; Social Control; Traffic violations.

The purpose of this article is to examine historically the dilemma of Islamic Education in practice prioritizing piety and morals or academic achievement or the integration of both and whether student-centered learning comes from the concept of Islam. The results of the discussion concluded that the progress and decline of Islamic education along with political and other developments in each era of large-scale gradations began the attack of the orientalist era of Al Ghozali, external invasion had attacked the heart of Islam which began from the continuous 11th and 12th crusades and Mongol invasion during the 13th century, and afterwards, Islamic education underwent several transformations in its main characteristics even though it was slowed down by the issue of taqlid. The point is the combination of the deadly taqlid invasion and foreign attacks significantly dims the prominence of Islam in the artistic and scientific world. Between the emergence of the appearance of Islamic thinkers and their relationship with the rulers of their time, differences must be made between Madrasahs and Maktab because both are related to Islamic education. Islam regards science as another form of worship and that humans must be close to Allah. Science studies are expected to strengthen faith: "Muslim educators unanimously agree that the purpose of education is not to cram students' minds with facts alone, but more important is to prepare them for a pure and sincere life". In the Muslim world, regardless of differences in religious doctrine, the curriculum is ideally the same, regardless of the composition of race, language or school. The curriculum in the Maktab is centered on the Quran. Student piety and moral behavior are considered as important as student academic achievement in Islam. The consensus of Islamic education holds the idea that a teacher must persuade students to be brighter than dictate or force - the teacher assures students of the truth. Along with instilling students with his knowledge he must be an example of a model of behavior, because washing, cheating and corruption are not considered as professions in Islam. A teacher must be an example of the religious values ??expected by students. This opens the way for developing Students' intelligence and personality in the right direction. From this study, it has historically proven that Islamic education is student-centered education