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Introduction -- Why Do We Have Government Schooling? -- Reality Begs to Differ: Little Unity, Wrenching Conflict -- Why Think Public Schools Would Unify? -- The "Democracy" Problem -- American Values -- Is Freedom the Key to Unity and Equality? -- For Peace and Cohesion, We Need Educational Liberty.

A new form of populism, combining broad-based benefits for urban workers with export promotion, emerged in Argentina under Néstor Kirchner (2003–2007). This article argues that changes in agricultural production created the conditions for this "export-oriented populism." Historically, Argentina's main exports, beef and wheat, were also the primary consumption goods of urban workers. Scholars such as Guillermo O'Donnell have argued that this linkage increased rural-urban conflict, resulting in shifting coalitions and recurring crises. Today, soybeans have replaced beef and wheat as the country's leading export. Because soybeans are not consumed by the working class, Kirchner could both promote and tax their export, generating fiscal revenue for populist programs while not harming the effective purchasing power of urban workers or provoking a balance-of-payments crisis. Export orientation thus provided the basis for a new variant of Argentine populism. This study offers a new argument within the classic research tradition on the interaction between politics and various types of export growth. It likewise provides an additional basis for arguing that populism, as a form of politics, can arise in diverse economic circumstances. Furthermore, this article contends that, rather than uniformly promoting political stability, the effect of export booms is conditioned by the nature of economic linkages between the export sector and the domestic economy.

A new form of populism, combining broad-based benefits for urban workers with export promotion, emerged in Argentina under Nestor Kirchner (2003-2007). This article argues that changes in agricultural production created the conditions for this 'export-oriented populism.' Historically, Argentina's main exports, beef and wheat, were also the primary consumption goods of urban workers. Scholars such as Guillermo O'Donnell have argued that this linkage increased rural-urban conflict, resulting in shifting coalitions and recurring crises. Today, soybeans have replaced beef and wheat as the country's leading export. Because soybeans are not consumed by the working class, Kirchner could both promote and tax their export, generating fiscal revenue for populist programs while not harming the effective purchasing power of urban workers or provoking a balance-of-payments crisis. Export orientation thus provided the basis for a new variant of Argentine populism. This study offers a new argument within the classic research tradition on the interaction between politics and various types of export growth. It likewise provides an additional basis for arguing that populism, as a form of politics, can arise in diverse economic circumstances. Furthermore, this article contends that, rather than uniformly promoting political stability, the effect of export booms is conditioned by the nature of economic linkages between the export sector and the domestic economy. Adapted from the source document.

School Choice Myths shatters the mythology standing in the way of education freedom. This book is a one-stop guide to everything from the latest research on the effects of school choice on civic engagement to Supreme Court precedent, and is a must-have for any combatant in the school choice wars, or anyone who just wants the best education for their children.

We propose six hypotheses that relate employee, internal, and external inequities to changes in performance. We test these hypotheses with a sample of 362 Major League Baseball players. The findings showed that overpayment (as measured by actual employee and external inequities) is a significant predictor of positive performance changes, underpayment is a significant predictor of negative performance changes, and employee equity is a greater predictor of change in performance than internal equity.

THERE HAS BEEN A SHIFT FROM LIBERALS ARGUING WITH EACH OTHER ABOUT RIGHTS VERUS UTILITY TO LIBERALS EXPLORING ALTERNATIVE WAYS OF RATIONALLY DEFENDING THE FAITH IN THE FACE OF CHALLENGES FROM OUTSIDE. THIS ARTICLE IDENTIFIES THREE PRIMARY STRAGEGIES OF LIBERAL SELF-DEFENSE AS: 1) THE MODUS VIVENDI MODEL, 2) THE NEUTRALITY MODEL, AND 3) THE IDEAL BASED MODEL. THIS ARTICLE OUTLINES THE MAIN FEATURES OF THE NEUTRALITY AND IDEAL-BASED MODELS. IT REDESCRIBES THE NEUTRALITY AND IDEAL-BASED MODELS THROUGH THE LENSES OF THE MODUS VIVENDI MODEL. THE DISCUSSION REMAINS WITHIN THE CONFINES OF A FRAMEWORK OF UNDERSTANDING THAT CONCEPTURALIZED THE THREE MODELS AS ALTERNATIVES TO ONE ANOTHER.

Examines John Rawl's more recent conceptions of justice. There are 3 key senses in which 'justice as fairness' could be said to constitute a political account; its independence from controversial religious or philosophical doctrines; independence from comprehensive moral ideals, and its historical context. (SJK)

ON THE PROBLEMS OF POLITICAL RIGHT THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN KANT AND RAWLS IS APPARENTLY AN OBVIOUS ONE; RAWLS HIMSELF ACKNOWLEDGES THE KANTIAN FOUNDATIONS OF HIS APPROACH TO QUESTIONS OF JUSTICE AND POLITICAL RIGHT, AND IDENTIFIES THE PRECISE POINTS AT WHICH HIS THEORY DEPARTS FROM THAT OF KANT. THIS ESSAY ATTEMPTS TO SHOW THAT WHEN ONE EXAMINES THOSE POINTS OF DEPARTURE CAREFULLY, THEY TURN OUT TO POINT NOT MERELY AWAY FROM KANT, BUT DIRECTLY AND INEXORABLY TOWARD THE ACCOUNT OF POLITICAL RIGHT GIVEN BY ROUSSEAU IN THE SOCIAL CONTRACT. THE ESSAY ARGUES THAT IT IS IMPOSSIBLE TO FULLY UNDERSTAND RAWLS' THEORETICAL PROJECT UNTIL ONE SEES THE (UNSTABLE) POSITION IT OCCUPIES BETWEEN THE KANTIAN AND ROUSSEAUIAN ACCOUNTS OF POLITICAL RIGHT. MOREOVER, IT ARGUES THAT THE THEORETICAL PROJECT UNDERTAKEN BY RAWLS, THAT OF REVISING THE KANTIAN CONCEPTION OF AUTONOMY IN AN ATTEMPT TO SHOW HOW IT COULD BE COHERENTLY "EXPRESSED" POLITICALLY, WAS ACTUALLY UNDERTAKEN AND "COMPLETED" BY ROUSSEAU-THOUGH WITH IRONIC, AND UNSETTLING, RESULTS.