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In the historiography of both the Great War and military medicine, facial wounds (and subsequent disfigurement) are generally portrayed as the 'most piteous' of war wounds. Largely through a misconception that medical treatment was rudimentary at this time and men were left so disfigured they could only lead tragic lives, this portrayal has precluded an encompassing study of facially wounded Great War soldiers. This thesis aims to address this historical imbalance by examining the innovations made in maxillofacial (jaw and face) surgery during the period and investigating the post-war lives of disfigured British and Dominion veterans. Despite being a relatively new specialisation in the Western World, maxillofacial surgery produced unprecedented results during the Great War and the work of the Queen's Hospital in Sidcup, Kent, in the United Kingdom was at the centre of its development. In August 1917, the hospital opened as the centre for the treatment of British Empire soldiers who had sustained facial wounds. This thesis does not aim to be a comparative history across these countries, but a collected history – drawing together the experiences of men who were united by their wounds but who ultimately coped with their disfigured appearances as individuals. Histories of medicine are often written from the perspective of leading medical men and neglect the experience of the patient. While it does examine the role of the surgeon, throughout this thesis the voice of the patient can be clearly heard. The Queen's Hospital forms the nexus from which to examine the experiences of facially wounded men from the battlefield, during treatment at the hospital, and on to their post-war lives. In doing so, it becomes apparent that the treatment available was far from rudimentary, and this thesis argues that while some men did struggle in their post-war life, many more found the resilience to surmount the tragedy seemingly inherent in their wounds.

Unlike many previous presidential elections, in 2004 foreign policy issues are at the forefront of the American policy and electoral agenda. Not since the Vietnam era has the United States entered an election year with the United States at such a heightened state of war, with ongoing military operations in Iraq and Afghanistan, as well as covert operations deployed around the world to wage the war on terrorism. After nearly one full term with George W. Bush as commander in chief, his views on constitutional war powers have been expressed on numerous occasions. Bush, like his post World War II predecessors, has exercised and claimed wide military authority as commander in chief. The American Democratic party's nominee for president, Senator John Kerry (D-Mass.) has similarly amassed a long record on war powers during his years in the United States Congress. This paper provides a broad examination of Kerry's positions on war powers, beginning with his testimony to the Senate Foreign Relations Committee in 1971 through his current views on the constitutionality of Operation Iraqi Freedom. The findings suggest that his rhetorical support for Congress's constitutional war powers has often not matched his backing of unilateral military actions by the president. If elected president, it is unlikely that Kerry's relationship with Congress would be markedly different from President Bush's. It seems probable that Kerry will continue the practice of a "strong" [if not omnipotent] commander in chief in his relations with the United States Congress when the president seeks to use military force abroad.

The world of high-stakes international diplomacy can be rough and tumble, but it's more often that not a procession of suits and summits, protocol sessions and photo ops. The Yale-educated son of a foreign-service officer, he served in the US Navy, became a veterans' advocate, spent 28 years on the Senate Foreign Relations Committee -- including four as chairman -- and, of course, ran for president. Perhaps that's why it surprised no one when Pres Barack Obama picked him to become the 68th secretary of state this February. Unlike his hyperkinetic celebrity predecessor, Hillary Clinton, who many believed was using Foggy Bottom as a launching pad for another presidential run, Kerry looks more like a diplomat in the old model. As the newly minted secretary of state, Kerry has parlayed these relationships into serious diplomacy. Soon after Obama visited Israel in March 2013, Kerry flew to Jerusalem for a long dinner with Netanyahu and his team, beginning a dialogue that lasted several months. Adapted from the source document.

Kerry Metzger moved to New Philadelphia, Ohio, in 1978. He gave up his dental practice to become a Tuscarawas County Commissioner. In this capacity he oversees the purchase of land for bridge planned to connect the Towpath Trail over I-77 as well as working to secure the lands needed to extend the trail from Dover to New Philadelphia. He discusses the hiring of Gail Doyle as Park Director, the development of a technology-based industrial park, and the environmental hazards posed by a large landfill. He describes kiosks built for the Dover Toll House and Front Street Brewery and the broader effort to make Dover a gateway to Amish Country. Cost of bridges doubles.

Uno de los retos más complejos y apremiantes para la próxima Administración norteamericana, independientemente de que esté George W. Bush o John Kerry en la Casa Blanca, será desactivar la crisis de proliferación de armas nucleares con Irán, país que muchos analistas creen que adquirirá armas nucleares dentro de los próximos cuatro años. Evitar el terrorismo nuclear será el tema de seguridad nacional clave para la próxima Administración, y como tal, ilustra el contexto principal de la política exterior de EEUU. Tanto el presidente George W. Bush como el senador John Kerry han afirmado que la base de cualquier plan para impedir el terrorismo nuclear pasa por frenar los ya adelantados programas de Estados que aspiran a poseer armas nucleares. Una opinión muy extendida es que Irán está haciendo uso de su programa de energía nuclear civil para encubrir el desarrollo de armas aprovechando lagunas legales que permiten el enriquecimiento de uranio para fines pacíficos. El 18 de junio la Agencia Internacional de Energía Atómica (AIEA) informó que Irán tiene prácticamente completada la fase inicial de un ciclo de combustible nuclear. Ello lleva a muchos expertos a creer que Teherán construirá una bomba nuclear durante la próxima Administración (las previsiones de los servicios de inteligencia estadounidense e israelí apuntan hacia 2007 ó 2008). La Cámara de Representantes de EEUU aprobó el 6 de mayo la Resolución 398, con 376 votos a favor y 3 en contra, pidiendo al Gobierno estadounidense que empleara todos los medios apropiados para evitar, disuadir e impedir que Irán adquiera armas nucleares. Ello refleja la emergencia de un amplio consenso bipartidista de que contener a Irán deberá ser una de las máximas prioridades de seguridad nacional, independientemente de cuál sea la Administración que ocupe la Casa Blanca el próximo enero.

This letter to Secretary of State John Kerry from Governor Haley requests that as a result of the Paris bombings that the State Department not resettle any Syrian refugees in South Carolina.

Examines the upcoming presidential election contest between United States President George W. Bush and likely Democratic opponent, Senator John Kerry, considering individual strengths and vulnerabilities of each candidate that will be strategically used by each campaign to defend and discredit the other. Discusses Kerry's personality, ethnic, and religious background and Bush's questionable national guard service, "cowboy" approach toward Iraq, and relationship with Russia's Putin. Assesses the National Commission on Terrorist Attacks created by presidential order in 2002 and the potential importance of Russia as a foreign policy topic during the 2004 presidential campaign. Concludes that Kerry will likely be supportive of Russian assistance, the Nunn-Lugar Program, and cooperation with Russia in the war on international terrorism.