Suchergebnisse

This article contributes to theorizing on multiculturalism by countering some previously identified criticisms of the notion of minority integration through cultural recognition. This is achieved by drawing on empirical evidence on identity construction and negotiation by minority ethnic communities through engagement in the arts.The socio-political context of the study is devolved Scotland, where multiculturalism is entangled with issues of national self-definition. The study reveals considerable interest by minority ethnic communities in engaging in the arts, particularly those associated with their ethnic background. However, such efforts are constrained by structural and cultural relations and differential power to claim resources from public organizations. The article argues that in the devolved context, minority ethnic communities' ability to claim interpretive space in the public arena is crucially dependent on the extent to which their claims to evolving representations of national culture are recognized within a wider drive to promote separate nationhood.

Studies into multi-agency approaches to tackling racial harassment have found that one of the weaknesses of the approach resides in the lack of effective involvement of black and minority ethnic organisations. This article examines the policy and procedural responses of key statutory and voluntary organisations, including black/minority ethnic agencies and considers the ways in which the particular expertise and experience of the latter may be maximised in a strategic, coordinated approach to the problem. It argues that while there is much to be gained from the participation of black/minority ethnic organisations, their ability to contribute to change depends on the extent to which statutory organisations are willing to consider them as equal partners in the process.

Recent major political developments, including Brexit and the US presidential elections, have been strongly associated with public concerns around levels of immigration. Much of this has centred on the role of migrants in the low-skilled sectors of the economy and concerns that they have displaced members of local communities from jobs and depressed wage levels. This is despite compelling evidence that immigrants rarely take jobs from native workers in OECD countries (Constant, 2014) and that in the long run, the wage and employment effects of immigration in the 1990s and in the 2000s were small and always positive for less educated workers of all OECD countries (Docquieret al., 2014). Recent UK specific studies have found that the impact on wages is considered to be relatively small (Dustmannet al., 2013; Nickell and Salaheen, 2015). Notwithstanding this evidence, hostility to migrants and migration more generally has become increasingly overt, as reflected in a substantial rise in 'race' hate crimes before and following the referendum on the UK's membership of the EU in 2016 (Burnett, 2017).

Extensive research in a number of disciplines, including economics, social policy, sociology, geography and management have been undertaken relating to migrant participation in the labour market. Given the highly topical nature of migrant employment in Western Europe and the US, the aim of this brief review is to draw together some of the more recent attempts to theorise on the presence of migrants in the labour market, discuss some of the recurrent themes that have emerged from empirical research in this area, consider some of the main implications for policy-making in what now seems likely to be known as the post-Brexit era and outline areas for future research. In doing so, the intention is to contribute to further inter-disciplinary theory-building and to a more nuanced understanding of the complexity of this highly politicised area and the implications of migrant employment for policy and future research.

Progress in dealing with racial harassment and violence, including among social landlords, has been limited. Situating racial harassment within the current context of hate crime, this paper synthesises insights from studies into community cohesion, the sociology of racist victimisation and criminology research, and extensive qualitative research carried out in Glasgow. Issues examined include: the relationship between fear of racial harassment and locational choices; varying perceptions of the significance of racial harassment between housing organisations and ethnic minority individuals; the role of allocation policies; risk assessment and coping strategies; and the relationship between racial harassment and a wider culture of violence. It is argued that while there is scope for more effective implementation of existing policies, the deep-seated nature of the problem demands a shift in emphasis from an events-oriented approach which targets individual perpetrators towards longer-term community-based interventions.

AbstractDomestic violence has been recognized as a major contributory factor to homelessness in the UK and elsewhere, with women more likely to be affected. In the UK and other countries undergoing welfare reform, moves toward 'active citizenship' increase the complexity of the relationship between states and citizens and open up new strategies for both. However, analysts have noted some strategies can create new forms of inequality, including gender‐based ones. This article considers the impact of prevention‐centred homelessness policy responses to domestic violence, with specific reference to the 'Sanctuary' model. Sanctuary schemes support women facing homelessness due to domestic violence to remain in their current residence, protected against attack from outside the home. Drawing on analysis of the literature and empirical work, we compare the experiences of women who have used traditional forms of support and Sanctuary services. We argue that while the model has the potential to provide greater autonomy to some women in these circumstances, it is not appropriate for all. Increased emphasis on Sanctuary schemes could make it more difficult for women who might prefer to move. We conclude that more attention needs to be paid to addressing the origin of women's homelessness due to domestic violence.

Changing trends in governance have contributed to the development of 'capacity-building initiatives' in the third sector to enable them to take a greater role in partnership approaches, service delivery and social entrepreneurship. However, analysts have argued that such initiatives are more likely to serve the interests of professionalised welfare groups rather than engage with communities' own skills and interests. Drawing on in-depth individual interviews and case studies with those engaged in such activities in minority ethnic organisations in devolved Scotland, this paper reveals that 'capacity' is a socially constructed, negotiated process, which benefits some organisations more than others. We identify factors which are likely to either facilitate or hinder the process. While there is consensus among participants that such activities play a useful role in developing organisational capacity, we argue that the responsibility for addressing structural factors including socio-economic disadvantage and racism remains with government.

This article advances understanding of the structural and agentic factors which influence how migrants in low-paid work reflexively acquire the dominant language of destination countries. Bourdieu's theories on the symbolic power of language and habitus, and theories of reflexivity by Archer and others underpin our analysis of how migrants acquire English in the UK. Analysis of data generated from in-depth qualitative interviews with 31 migrants from EU and non-EU countries in low-paid work reveals that the agency of migrants in increasing proficiency in the language is shaped by access to resources, conscious and unconscious reflexive processes, aspects of embodiment and perceptions of identity by the self and others. We argue that closer attention to the social, political and economic context in which migrants acquire the dominant language of destination countries is needed, as well as greater awareness of the multi-dimensional nature of reflexivity and the constraints on agency.

This article analyses the relationship between cultural difference, social connections and opportunity structures using interview evidence from low-paid workers and managers in local government, the health service, facilities management and housing. Exploring the operation of homosocial reproduction it reveals the double-edged nature of informality and the role of favouritism in particular in perpetuating ethnic advantage and privilege. Whilst demonstrating that uses of homosocial reproduction need to be sensitive to intersections of identities or categories of difference, the article adds further evidence of the persistent gap between equal opportunities policies and practice for ethnic minorities in the United Kingdom labour market. The article concludes that stronger forms of positive action, and even positive discrimination, are needed to address the low pay traps and restricted opportunities of ethnic minority workers.

Migration plays an important role in determining skills supply, and certain ethnic groups tend to be over-represented in low-paid work. This article considers the implications of the complex interplay of migration, ethnicity and workplace progression for skills policy by comparing and contrasting the opportunities faced by low-paid workers of diverse ethnicities in progressing to better paid work. This is done by drawing on a qualitative study of nine case study organisations in Scotland and England, including interviews with sixty-five workers and forty-three managers. We argue that while all low-paid workers face formidable barriers to progression, recent migrants and settled ethnic minorities face additional challenges that should be considered in skills and wider social policies related to low-paid work.