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Pamela Neumann earned her M.A. in Latin American Studies and Ph.D. in sociology from the University of Texas at Austin. Her research interests include gender-based violence, social movements, and development in Latin America. Her current book project examines the politics of gender violence law and women's everyday experiences with the legal justice system in Nicaragua. Her work has been published in Gender & Society, Social Problems, and Social Forces. ; The killing and abuse of women remains one of the most serious problems confronting Latin American societies. Many countries have passed a variety of laws intended to address femicide and other forms of violence against women. Yet the implementation of these laws has been inconsistent at best. This article analyzes the case of Nicaragua, which passed a comprehensive law on gender-based violence (Law 779) in 2012. While celebrated by local women's organizations, Law 779 was subsequently weakened through a series of legislative reforms and executive decrees. This article seeks to explain why state actors in Nicaragua initially supported Law 779 and later sought to undermine it. Despite the development of transnational governance structures over the last two decades, this article demonstrates how local political conditions remain central to explaining the trajectory of gender-violence legislation, particularly in contexts characterized by a high concentration of political power. Through an analysis of Law 779, this article contributes to broader debates about the nature of state legitimacy and the potential of legal advocacy to address violence against women. ; Law

AbstractMany Latin American countries have passed laws intended to address femicide and other forms of violence against women. Yet the implementation of these laws has been inconsistent at best. This article analyzes the case of Nicaragua, which passed a comprehensive law on gender-based violence (Law 779) in 2012. While celebrated by local women's organizations, Law 779 was subsequently weakened through a series of legislative reforms and executive decrees. This article seeks to explain why state actors in Nicaragua initially supported Law 779 and later sought to undermine it. It argues that in contexts characterized by a high concentration of political power like Nicaragua, transnational governance structures are insufficient to ensure the success of gender violence legislation. Through an analysis of Law 779, this article contributes to broader debates about the nature of state legitimacy and the potential of legal advocacy to address violence against women.

A review essay covering books by 1) Marcelo Bergman and Laurence Whitehead (Eds.), Criminality, Public Security, and the Challenge to Democracy in Latin America (2009), 2) Hector Dominguez-Ruvalcaba and Ignacio Corona (Eds.), Gender Violence at the U.S.-Mexico Border: Media Representation and Public Response (2010), 3) Rosa-Linda Fregoso and Cynthia Bejarano (Eds.), Terrorizing Women: Feminicide in the Americas (2010), 4) Maria Helena Moreira Alves and Philip Evanson, Living in the Crossfire: Favela Residents, Drug Dealers, and Police Violence in Rio de Janeiro (2011), 5) Gabriela Polit Duenas and Maria Helena Rueda (Eds.), Meanings of Violence in Contemporary Latin America (2011), and 6) Irina Carlota Silber, Everyday Revolutionaries: Gender, Violence, and Disillusionment in Postwar El Salvador (2010).

This article analyzes how the COVID-19 pandemic impacted the pregnancy, childbirth, and postpartum experiences of Mexican-American women living at the U.S.–Mexico border, with an emphasis on participants' perceptions of different forms of social support: material, emotional, and informational. Drawing on in-depth interviews with 22 Mexican-American women in Laredo, Texas, we show how pandemic-related changes reduced participants' extensive social support networks to their immediate family members, with male partners frequently expected to make up for the loss of other relational support. These shifts in social support entrenched gendered caregiving roles and placed additional burdens on the women in this study postpartum. Furthermore, changes in healthcare protocols and access to critical healthcare information altered participants' sense of preparedness and agency with regard to the birthing process and breastfeeding. Altogether, our study contributes novel insights into how Mexican-American women at the U.S.–Mexico border experienced the compounded loss of social support during pregnancy, childbirth, and postpartum periods in the context of COVID-19, which may lead to negative long-term health consequences among this population.

Abstract  In this paper we hypothesize that farmers with a stronger valuation of family farming will be more resistant to converting farmland to tree plantations. Our survey data analysis from 106 farmers in northern Alberta reveals that general opposition to trees on farmland is the strongest predictor of farmers' resistance to the establishment of poplar tree plantations on privately‐owned land. Valuation of family farming is the strongest determinant of resistance to trees on farmland. Among the potential intervening variables influencing support for tree plantations, including county, age, gender, number of children, and percent of income from farming, number of children and percent of income from farming had significant direct effects on valuation of family farming. This study suggests that economic incentives alone are unlikely to influence farmers' willingness to convert their land to non‐traditional uses, and that intergenerational transfer of land, and its relationship to valuation of family farming, deserves further attention in rural sociological scholarship.