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In recent years, a number of analysts have argued that qualitative changes have occurred in the nature of violent conflict and that it is now possible to think in terms of 'new wars' that are distinct in significant ways from earlier forms of conflict. This article summarizes the different arguments of the 'new wars' thesis and argues that the distinction between 'contemporary' forms of conflict and wars of earlier times is exaggerated and in some instances does not stand up to scrutiny, especially when drawing upon historical material. In particular, the article questions the extent to which contemporary forms of organized violence reflect new patterns in terms of actors, objectives, spatial context, human impact, and the political economy and social structure of conflict. Moreover, the article argues that the tendency in the new wars scholarship to identify common patterns in 'contemporary' civil conflicts ignores important differences among them. In conclusion, the article considers the importance of recent scholarship on conflict for the security discourse and state sovereignty.

The capacity of various actors to promote democracy on an international level is evaluated, & the comparative advantages & shortcomings of the United Nations as a democracy-promoting force are studied. Although the US remains the predominant force for international democratization, it is demonstrated that regional organizations (eg, the Organization of American States), nongovernmental organizations, & international organizations (eg, the United Nations) also firmly promote democratic political systems. Whereas the United Nations international recognition as a legitimate regime & network of governance programs are definite comparative advantages, it is stressed that its democracy-promotion budget is smaller than some national governments, thus impeding its capacity to offer electoral assistance. Several relevant challenges facing the United Nations are then articulated, eg, ascertaining whether international support engenders sustainable democratic processes & whether assistance alters a states cultural, political, or social foundations. J. W. Parker

A review essay on four reports published as books: (1) Responsibility to Protect: Report of the International Commission on Intervention and State Sovereignty (Ottawa: International Development Research Centre, 2001); (2) Humanitarian Intervention (Netherlands: Advisory Committee Issues Public International Law, 2000); (3) Humanitarian Intervention: Legal and Political Aspects (Danish Instit International Affairs, 1999); & (4) The Report of the Independent International Commission on Kosovo Oxford: Oxford U Press, 2000).

This article explores the concept of "human security" as an academic & fledgling policy movement that seeks to place the individual -- or people collectively -- as the referent of security. It does this against a background of evolving transnational norms relating to security & governance, & the development of scientific understanding that challenges orthodox conceptions of security. It suggests that human security is not a coherent or objective school of thought. Rather, there are different, & sometimes competing, conceptions of human security that may reflect different sociological/cultural & geostrategic orientations. The article argues that the emergence of the concept of human security -- as a broad, multifaceted, & evolving conception of security -- reflects the impact of values & norms on international relations. It also embraces a range of alliances, actors, & agendas that have taken us beyond the traditional scope of international politics & diplomacy. As a demonstration of change in international relations, of evolving identities & interests, this is best explained with reference to "social constructivist" thought, in contradistinction with the structural realist mainstream of international relations. In a constructivist vein, the article suggests that empirical research is already building a case in support of human security thinking that is, slowly, being acknowledged by decisionmakers, against the logic of realist determinism. 46 References. Adapted from the source document.