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Resurrecting the Equal Protection Clause Through the Ku Klux Klan Act of 1871
In: Texas Journal on Civil Liberties and Civil Rights, Forthcoming
SSRN
Interim Final Rules and the APA: Some Rule of Law Problems
In: Harvard Journal of Law and Public Policy Per Curiam, Vol. 2023 No. 50
SSRN
Bleifreie Munition: technische und taktische Vorteile
In: Wehrtechnischer Report, Heft 5, S. 34-35
ISSN: 0935-3100
World Affairs Online
Handwaffenmunition
In: Europäische Sicherheit & Technik: ES & T ; europäische Sicherheit, Strategie & Technik, Band 67, Heft 3, S. 78-83
ISSN: 2193-746X
World Affairs Online
Two Studies in the history of ancient Greek athletics
In: Scientia danica
In: Series H, Humanistica 8 vol. 16
Once again: studies in the ancient Greek Polis
In: Historia
In: Einzelschriften 180
In: Papers from the Copenhagen Polis Centre 7
On the politics of inclusion and exclusion in classical Greek sport (479 - 323 BC)
In: Nielsen , T H 2022 , ' On the politics of inclusion and exclusion in classical Greek sport (479 - 323 BC) ' , Rosetta - Papers of the Department of Classics, Ancient History and Archaeology at the University of Birmingham , vol. 27 , pp. 71 - 100 .
The study aims to outline how ancient Greek sport contributed to the drawing of boundaries between groups and within groups. The first section discusses the distinctions between polis honoratiores and the common crowds (section I.1); be-tween the rich and the poor (I.2); between the coached and the uncoached (I.3); be-tween equestrians and other competitors (I.4); and between the celebrated victors and the silent majority (I.5–6). The second section addresses the distinctions between Ath-ens and other poleis (II.1); between men and women (II.2); between free men and the enslaved (II.3); and, finally, between Greeks and non-Greeks (II.4). Most, though not all, of the evidence on which the study draws is Athenian, as is almost invariably the case in studies of ancient Greek history, but the main points made should be broadly valid for most Greek poleis.
BASE
Bilateral Relations on the Mend:Transforming the Mosaic of Opportunities into Policies of Stability and Reconciliation between Afghanistan & Pakistan
In: Vestenskov , D (red.) , Hasan , R (red.) & Nielsen , T G 2018 , Bilateral Relations on the Mend : Transforming the Mosaic of Opportunities into Policies of Stability and Reconciliation between Afghanistan & Pakistan . Royal Danish Defence College , København .
BILATERAL RELATIONS ON THE MEND: Transforming the Mosaic of Opportunities into Policies of Stability and Reconciliation between Afghanistan & PakistanBilateral reconciliation and trust building between Afghanistan and Pakistan require determined individuals who will prioritize identification of workable solutions to regional instability.This report summarizes recommendations on how to approach such solutions. The recommendations emerged during two rounds of track-II dialogue – one in Kabul in May, and one in Islamabad in September, 2017 - between influential individuals from Afghanistan and Pakistan, organized by the Royal Danish Defence College (RDDC) and the Regional Peace Institute (RPI).In addition to discussing a host of other issues, the two rounds of the conference generated ideas and innovative suggestions on how to deal with peace negotiations between the Afghan government and the Taliban, the future of Western engagement in Afghanistan, ways to resolve the Afghan refugee crisis and increasing the volume of trade between Pakistan and Afghanistan.The constructive and innovative development of recommendations during both rounds went beyond initial expectations in terms of volume and quality. However, generating innovative policy recommendations, by itself, is insufficient without their effective implementation.This report can be viewed as a mosaic of ideas and opportunities to enter a path of reconciliation and stability. If implemented, these ideas and recommendations can lead to addressing the outstanding issues between Afghanistan & Pakistan.By presenting this mosaic of progress, this report, and the authors behind it aspire to contribute in a meaningful manner to mending the existing relations between Afghanistan and Pakistan.
BASE
What can Iran gain by having a nuclear weapons program that threatens to destabilize security in the Middle East?
In: Nielsen , T G 2015 ' What can Iran gain by having a nuclear weapons program that threatens to destabilize security in the Middle East? ' Forsvarsakademiets Forlag , Copenhagen .
In this paper, Iran's nuclear aspiration to destabilise power in the Middle East is analysed. Iran is attempting to develop a nuclear energy program, and perhaps even a nuclear weapons program, despite assurances of the opposite. An Iranian nuclear weapon would be a game changer in the region and a lot of neigh- bouring countries fear such a development for security reasons. But why is Iran following a nuclear path that may further destabilise the fragile security situation in the Middle East? It is to do with Iran's own perception of security risks, its desire for greatness in the region, and domestic challenges, caused in part by United Nations' sanctions, lack of development and internal political power struggles. Iran balances cleverly on the edge of either further international isolation or becoming a significant local power. It uses the threat of developing nuclear weapons, in com- bination with its important strategic location by the Strait of Hormuz, and supports various political groupings in and around Syria and Iraq to attract the attention of the United States of American in an attempt to become recognised as the most important player in the Middle East. Should Iran succeed in its brinkmanship and the outcome could be the lifting of the UN sanctions, international recognition, improved security, and even a possible end to internal political power struggles due to likely economic reforms post-sanctions. Much is at stake for Iran, but, if it succeeds, it could shift the political path in Iran to a less confrontational one, which, in the long run, could enhance security in the region. This would, however, be at the cost of recognising Iran as a true power in the Middle East and endingthe sanctions regime in order to support Iranian development.
BASE
Theatrical Complicity as a Medium of Emancipation
How do we find a solution when we ourselves are the problem? This is the question posed by two contemporary performances that frame the spectator as an accomplice in the exploitation and representation of suffering and violence in a globalized and mediatized world: Sálo (2010), based on Pier Paolo Passolini's film by the same name (1975), by the Danish performance group SIGNA in cooperation with Teater Republique; and the Royal Court Theatre's production of Tim Crouch's The Author (2009), co-directed by Karl James and a smith. By applying the systems theory of Niklas Luhmann, the two performances are analysed and compared as elaborately structured games of observation, where the spectators are made to observe their own acts of spectating as complicity in the reproduction of violence caused by theatrical representation. Jaques Rancière's paradox of the spectator and Josette Féral's concept of theatricality are re-described in a systems theoretical perspective in order to show how the theatrical attribution of guilt to the spectator can work as a medium of emancipation. The explication of the different dramaturgies makes it possible to distinguish between how self-righteous, self-examining, progressive and 'tragicist' conceptions of emancipation are given form in different ways and measures in the two performances. In this way, the article aims to contribute to the qualification and expansion of a critical discourse on participatory theatre and performance beneath the loosely defined horizon of a modern theatre of emancipation.
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Taiwans vej til demokrati
In: Politica: tidsskrift for politisk videnskab, Band 27, Heft 3, S. 308
Motivating dualities
In: Synthese: an international journal for epistemology, methodology and philosophy of science, Band 197, Heft 1, S. 263-291
ISSN: 1573-0964
Mobilitetskulturer i Europa: En undersøgelse baseret på clusteranalyse af 28 europæiske lande
Europæiske tilgange til fremme af grøn mobilitet og grønne rejsemønstre kræver bedre viden om de forskellige mobilitetskulturer på tværs af lande og regioner i EU. For at analysere forskellene inden for Europa grupperede vi en Eurobarometer stikprøve af EU's befolkning i otte segmenter baseret på deres mobilitetsmønstre, holdninger til transportmidler og miljøbevidsthed. Disse grupper – herunder for eksempel "grønne cyklister" og "komfortbilister" – adskiller sig ikke kun ved deres transportmiddelvalg, men også ved deres socioøkonomiske baggrund, IT-orientering og tilfredshed med livet. EU's 28 medlemslande blev efterfølgende inddelt i seks landegrupper baseret på mobilitetsgruppernes andel af befolkningen. Landegrupperne peger mod at der er væsentligt forskellige mobilitetskulturer inden for EU, der kræver tilsvarende forskellige politiske strategier og tilgange til bl.a. bæredygtig transport og adfærdsændringer.
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