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The study aims to outline how ancient Greek sport contributed to the drawing of boundaries between groups and within groups. The first section discusses the distinctions between polis honoratiores and the common crowds (section I.1); be-tween the rich and the poor (I.2); between the coached and the uncoached (I.3); be-tween equestrians and other competitors (I.4); and between the celebrated victors and the silent majority (I.5–6). The second section addresses the distinctions between Ath-ens and other poleis (II.1); between men and women (II.2); between free men and the enslaved (II.3); and, finally, between Greeks and non-Greeks (II.4). Most, though not all, of the evidence on which the study draws is Athenian, as is almost invariably the case in studies of ancient Greek history, but the main points made should be broadly valid for most Greek poleis.

BILATERAL RELATIONS ON THE MEND: Transforming the Mosaic of Opportunities into Policies of Stability and Reconciliation between Afghanistan & PakistanBilateral reconciliation and trust building between Afghanistan and Pakistan require determined individuals who will prioritize identification of workable solutions to regional instability.This report summarizes recommendations on how to approach such solutions. The recommendations emerged during two rounds of track-II dialogue – one in Kabul in May, and one in Islamabad in September, 2017 - between influential individuals from Afghanistan and Pakistan, organized by the Royal Danish Defence College (RDDC) and the Regional Peace Institute (RPI).In addition to discussing a host of other issues, the two rounds of the conference generated ideas and innovative suggestions on how to deal with peace negotiations between the Afghan government and the Taliban, the future of Western engagement in Afghanistan, ways to resolve the Afghan refugee crisis and increasing the volume of trade between Pakistan and Afghanistan.The constructive and innovative development of recommendations during both rounds went beyond initial expectations in terms of volume and quality. However, generating innovative policy recommendations, by itself, is insufficient without their effective implementation.This report can be viewed as a mosaic of ideas and opportunities to enter a path of reconciliation and stability. If implemented, these ideas and recommendations can lead to addressing the outstanding issues between Afghanistan & Pakistan.By presenting this mosaic of progress, this report, and the authors behind it aspire to contribute in a meaningful manner to mending the existing relations between Afghanistan and Pakistan.

In this paper, Iran's nuclear aspiration to destabilise power in the Middle East is analysed. Iran is attempting to develop a nuclear energy program, and perhaps even a nuclear weapons program, despite assurances of the opposite. An Iranian nuclear weapon would be a game changer in the region and a lot of neigh- bouring countries fear such a development for security reasons. But why is Iran following a nuclear path that may further destabilise the fragile security situation in the Middle East? It is to do with Iran's own perception of security risks, its desire for greatness in the region, and domestic challenges, caused in part by United Nations' sanctions, lack of development and internal political power struggles. Iran balances cleverly on the edge of either further international isolation or becoming a significant local power. It uses the threat of developing nuclear weapons, in com- bination with its important strategic location by the Strait of Hormuz, and supports various political groupings in and around Syria and Iraq to attract the attention of the United States of American in an attempt to become recognised as the most important player in the Middle East. Should Iran succeed in its brinkmanship and the outcome could be the lifting of the UN sanctions, international recognition, improved security, and even a possible end to internal political power struggles due to likely economic reforms post-sanctions. Much is at stake for Iran, but, if it succeeds, it could shift the political path in Iran to a less confrontational one, which, in the long run, could enhance security in the region. This would, however, be at the cost of recognising Iran as a true power in the Middle East and endingthe sanctions regime in order to support Iranian development.

How do we find a solution when we ourselves are the problem? This is the question posed by two contemporary performances that frame the spectator as an accomplice in the exploitation and representation of suffering and violence in a globalized and mediatized world: Sálo (2010), based on Pier Paolo Passolini's film by the same name (1975), by the Danish performance group SIGNA in cooperation with Teater Republique; and the Royal Court Theatre's production of Tim Crouch's The Author (2009), co-directed by Karl James and a smith. By applying the systems theory of Niklas Luhmann, the two performances are analysed and compared as elaborately structured games of observation, where the spectators are made to observe their own acts of spectating as complicity in the reproduction of violence caused by theatrical representation. Jaques Rancière's paradox of the spectator and Josette Féral's concept of theatricality are re-described in a systems theoretical perspective in order to show how the theatrical attribution of guilt to the spectator can work as a medium of emancipation. The explication of the different dramaturgies makes it possible to distinguish between how self-righteous, self-examining, progressive and 'tragicist' conceptions of emancipation are given form in different ways and measures in the two performances. In this way, the article aims to contribute to the qualification and expansion of a critical discourse on participatory theatre and performance beneath the loosely defined horizon of a modern theatre of emancipation.

Europæiske tilgange til fremme af grøn mobilitet og grønne rejsemønstre kræver bedre viden om de forskellige mobilitetskulturer på tværs af lande og regioner i EU. For at analysere forskellene inden for Europa grupperede vi en Eurobarometer stikprøve af EU's befolkning i otte segmenter baseret på deres mobilitetsmønstre, holdninger til transportmidler og miljøbevidsthed. Disse grupper – herunder for eksempel "grønne cyklister" og "komfortbilister" – adskiller sig ikke kun ved deres transportmiddelvalg, men også ved deres socioøkonomiske baggrund, IT-orientering og tilfredshed med livet. EU's 28 medlemslande blev efterfølgende inddelt i seks landegrupper baseret på mobilitetsgruppernes andel af befolkningen. Landegrupperne peger mod at der er væsentligt forskellige mobilitetskulturer inden for EU, der kræver tilsvarende forskellige politiske strategier og tilgange til bl.a. bæredygtig transport og adfærdsændringer.

More targeted European policies promoting green travel patterns require better knowledge on differing mobility cultures across European regions. As a basis for this, we clustered the EU population into eight mobility styles based on Eurobarometer data. The mobility styles - including, for example, "green cyclists" and "convenience drivers" - differed not only in their travel-related variables but also in their socio-economic background, IT-affinity, and life satisfaction, with green cyclist showing the highest life satisfaction and two car-oriented styles having the highest socio-economic resources. In a second step, the 28 EU member countries were clustered into six country clusters based on their representation of mobility styles. The country clusters indicate the existence of considerably different mobility cultures across the EU. Sub-regions can be identified that have highly different positions on the path towards sustainable mobility and therefore different requirements towards European platforms and support measures, e.g. for 'Sustainable Urban Mobility Plans'. The country clusters can provide a starting point for future communication and targeting of European efforts in sustainable mobility.