The article examines the question of whether the development of probation measures is related to the decrease in the number of prisoners or, in other words,whether probation measures are used as an alternative to imprisonment. The probation measures in international and national policy documents, in the statements of politicians and in research publications are associated with a reduction in the number of prisoners. However, the analysis of the European countries punishment trends has raised doubts whether the goal of reducing the number of prisoners by applying probation measures is actually achievable. The article reveals the tendency that in European countries with widespread application of probation measures, there is also widespread use of imprisonment, and vice versa, in countries where the level of imprisonment is low, there are also few people under the probation supervision. The analysis showed that some similar trends in the application of probation measures are characteristic of states with common historical, geopolitical, social and cultural contexts. The article assumes that the main factor determining both the extent of imprisonment and the application of probation measures is the penological social culture and tradition or, in other words, the "punitive climate" prevailing in the society.
The article examines the question of whether the development of probation measures is related to the decrease in the number of prisoners or, in other words,whether probation measures are used as an alternative to imprisonment. The probation measures in international and national policy documents, in the statements of politicians and in research publications are associated with a reduction in the number of prisoners. However, the analysis of the European countries punishment trends has raised doubts whether the goal of reducing the number of prisoners by applying probation measures is actually achievable. The article reveals the tendency that in European countries with widespread application of probation measures, there is also widespread use of imprisonment, and vice versa, in countries where the level of imprisonment is low, there are also few people under the probation supervision. The analysis showed that some similar trends in the application of probation measures are characteristic of states with common historical, geopolitical, social and cultural contexts. The article assumes that the main factor determining both the extent of imprisonment and the application of probation measures is the penological social culture and tradition or, in other words, the "punitive climate" prevailing in the society.
Using the concept of 'pains of punishment', the article analyses the experiences of Lithuanian women serving community sentences. Our study demonstrates that women experience the universal pains of punishment associated with stigmatisation, shame, and the inconveniences caused by punishment, as well as constraints and anxieties about impending imprisonment. Furthermore, the complex context of their social environment (relationships with partners, children, and other loved ones) contributes to these pains. In contrast to some previous studies, the Lithuanian women's experiences do not fall under the category of 'demanding clients' since the research participants do not think of the Probation Service as an institution that could meet their needs and provide them with assistance.
First of all, the article deals with the aspects of the concept of corruption. 'e article reveals that de*nitions of corruption established in the Lithuanian legal acts, which are not su{cient to describe the phenomenon of corruption in NGOs: it is limited to de*nitions of criminal law, which do not cover corruption characteristics speci*c to the NGO sector. 'erefore, it is appropriate to de*ne the phenomenon of corruption in the NGO sector with reference to the broader concept of corruption. Taking into account the speci*cs of the NGO sector, the concept of corruption for NGOs is best described by these elements: public interest, the receipt of resources from donors, misuse of the resources received, use of the resources received for public interest, violation of the established procedure and the NGO's instrumentalization in order to obtain unlawful bene*ts. 'e Aid and Charity foundations are particularly vulnerable to corruption if they act on behalf of politicians actively participating in political life. In such cases, there is a risk that the foundation may be used to *nance illegal activities of a politician or political party. One of the most common examples is the hidden political advertising in various public events. Another problem is the lack of transparency in the foundations' activities. In 2016, only 8 out of 14 foundations, a{liated with the Parliament members, had o{cial websites. However, straightforward prohibition of registering foundations on behalf of politicians seems to be too rigorous and disproportionate. Such a measure restricts possibilities of politicians to engage in socially bene*cial activities but does not prevent non-transparent activities. It should be noted, that recent legal amendments, proposed by the President O{ce, are directly intended to combat the lack of transparency in this sphere by imposing additional obligations on disclosure of relevant documents and sanctions for failure to provide information. In order to strengthen the transparency and accountability of foundations it is further suggested that documents should also be freely available on the social media accounts of the foundations (as an alternative to submission on o{cial websites). Moreover, it would be useful to provide an obligation to respond to the electronic inquiries of the citizens. In the context of the Aid and Charity foundations, it is not clear what could be considered a political advertisement. A narrow interpretation of the political advertising de*nition according to the Law on the Financing of Political Parties and Political Campaigns could lead to the conclusion that naming the foundation on behalf of a politician can be considered as a "propaganda" of certain politician. 'e same applies to organizing of discussion events, which can be considered as "promoting ideas". 'erefore, it would be useful if the Central Electoral Commission of the Republic of Lithuania gave detailed clari*cation what is speci*cally considered as political advertising in the context of the activity of the foundations.
First of all, the article deals with the aspects of the concept of corruption. 'e article reveals that de*nitions of corruption established in the Lithuanian legal acts, which are not su{cient to describe the phenomenon of corruption in NGOs: it is limited to de*nitions of criminal law, which do not cover corruption characteristics speci*c to the NGO sector. 'erefore, it is appropriate to de*ne the phenomenon of corruption in the NGO sector with reference to the broader concept of corruption. Taking into account the speci*cs of the NGO sector, the concept of corruption for NGOs is best described by these elements: public interest, the receipt of resources from donors, misuse of the resources received, use of the resources received for public interest, violation of the established procedure and the NGO's instrumentalization in order to obtain unlawful bene*ts. 'e Aid and Charity foundations are particularly vulnerable to corruption if they act on behalf of politicians actively participating in political life. In such cases, there is a risk that the foundation may be used to *nance illegal activities of a politician or political party. One of the most common examples is the hidden political advertising in various public events. Another problem is the lack of transparency in the foundations' activities. In 2016, only 8 out of 14 foundations, a{liated with the Parliament members, had o{cial websites. However, straightforward prohibition of registering foundations on behalf of politicians seems to be too rigorous and disproportionate. Such a measure restricts possibilities of politicians to engage in socially bene*cial activities but does not prevent non-transparent activities. It should be noted, that recent legal amendments, proposed by the President O{ce, are directly intended to combat the lack of transparency in this sphere by imposing additional obligations on disclosure of relevant documents and sanctions for failure to provide information. In order to strengthen the transparency and accountability of foundations it is further suggested that documents should also be freely available on the social media accounts of the foundations (as an alternative to submission on o{cial websites). Moreover, it would be useful to provide an obligation to respond to the electronic inquiries of the citizens. In the context of the Aid and Charity foundations, it is not clear what could be considered a political advertisement. A narrow interpretation of the political advertising de*nition according to the Law on the Financing of Political Parties and Political Campaigns could lead to the conclusion that naming the foundation on behalf of a politician can be considered as a "propaganda" of certain politician. 'e same applies to organizing of discussion events, which can be considered as "promoting ideas". 'erefore, it would be useful if the Central Electoral Commission of the Republic of Lithuania gave detailed clari*cation what is speci*cally considered as political advertising in the context of the activity of the foundations.
The article discusses the results of the quantitative survey of Lithuanian probation officers. We attempt to answer the question of what roles officers choose in their professional service. Taking into account the specificity of probation officers' duties and internationally accepted classifications, we use, in the article, the categories of the professional roles of policeman (or controlling agent) and social worker (or resocialising agent) to analyse Lithuanian probation officers. The conducted research demonstrates that the Lithuanian probation officers associate their professional service with the control-oriented and balanced roles. We explain the choice of the control-oriented role as influenced by such factors as strict punitive policies and punitive culture and the development of the Lithuanian probation system from the institution of police and control towards the institution of resocialisation and social support. The choice of the balanced role could be associated with the contrasting functions of control and resocialisation that the probation officers attempt to combine in their everyday professional activities.
This paper investigates Lithuanian probation officers' discretionary decisions on probation violations under strict legal regulation. Based on a quantitative survey, this paper analyses hypothetical discretionary decisions according to the type of violation committed by the probationer. The relationship between discretionary decisions and variables such as the probationer's risk level and sociodemographic characteristics are also analysed. The study revealed that, despite strict legal regulations, which generally require severe action for probation violations, probation officers tend to make more lenient decisions. The study also found that violation type, offender risk level, and probation officer's age are potential predictors of discretionary decisions.
An analysis is provided in the paper of foreign privatization practice; the efficiency of such practice is evaluated, and the opportunities and perspectives of its application in Lithuania are discussed. In Chapter 1 of the paper, the general survey is given of privatization of detention facilities in foreign countries; the forms of privatization are introduced. Chapter 2 gives an analysis of the form of the total privatization of prisons which caused numerous discussions and contradictory evaluations and is most popular in the USA and the United Kingdom. The (non)constitutional aspect of the total privatization of detention facilities which is especially underlined in Germany is discussed. Basing on the foreign scientific literature, the efficiency of the implementation of privatization goals of detention facilities in those countries is assessed. In the last chapter, on the basis of foreign practice analysis performed in this work, it is aimed at evaluating the expediency and opportunities for the formation of private detention facilities in Lithuania.
