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The study examines the general and excellent in the Arctic policy of India and China and the likelihood of rivalry between the two Asian powers in the allocation of resources to the Arctic. Also, Indian and Chinese research trends on Arctic topics were considered.Since the middle of XX century. India and China act as long-standing rivals. Periodically, military clashes broke out between the two sides on a common border. Despite the fact that the key territorial issues on the common border between India and China are resolved military provocations from both sides do not stop. The latest incident was the transfer of Indian troops to the Chinese border zone in the province of Sikkim. Both powers of Asia are major consumers of energy resources, they are more or less interested in the situation on the global energy market.In the Arctic there are colossal reserves of various resources. Certain difficulties and limitations with access to resources and their equitable distribution can force these countries to compete with each other. However, the lack of a specific position on Arctic issues or the formulated regional strategy for India and China creates a lot of doubt about their true intentions. The study of research trends, the activity of Indian and Chinese business structures, as well as the arctic activities of India and China, gives approximate answers to this question.The potentials of India and China are very different in the Arctic. China's strengths are active participation in international scientific research, the availability of a qualified ice-class crew, active investment in energy and infrastructure projects in the Arctic countries, and fairly stable trade relations with most Arctic countries. The weak side of China is its negative image. Residents of many Arctic countries are very wary of the «rise of China» and its growing interest in the Arctic.Strengths of India are a positive image and a representative diaspora in the Arctic countries, especially in the US and Canada. In the future this will allow Delhi to successfully promote initiatives in the Arctic. The weak side of India can be considered the absence of a ship «icebreaker class», the weak investment activity of Indian business structures and poor knowledge of Arctic problems from the point of view of Indian issues. ; В исследовании рассматриваются общее и отличное в арктической политике Индии и Китая и вероятность соперничества между этими двумя азиатскими державами в вопросе распределения ресурсов Арктики. Также были рассмотрены индийские и китайские исследовательские тенденции по арктической тематике.Начиная с середины XX в. Индия и Китай выступают в качестве давних соперников. Периодически между обеими сторонами вспыхивали военные стычки на общей границе. Несмотря на то что ключевые территориальные вопросы на общей границе между Индией и Китаем урегулированы военные провокации с обеих сторон не прекращаются. Последним инцидентом стал переход индийских отрядов на зоны китайской границы в районе провинции Сикким. Обе державы Азии являются крупными потребителями энергоресурсов, то в той или иной степени заинтересованы в ситуации на мировом энергетическом рынке.В Арктике имеются колоссальные запасы различных ресурсов. Определенные сложности и ограничения с получением доступа к ресурсам и их справедливому распределению могут заставить эти страны соперничать друг с другом. Однако отсутствие конкретной позиции по вопросам Арктики или сформулированной региональной стратегии у Индии и Китая создает массу сомнений по поводу их истинных намерений. Изучение исследовательских тенденций, активности индийских и китайских бизнес-структур, а также арктической деятельности Индии и Китая дает лишь приблизительные ответы на этот вопрос.Потенциалы Индии и Китая в Арктике различаются. Сильными сторонами Китая выступают активное участие в международных научных исследованиях, наличие квалифицированного экипажа «ледового класса», активное инвестирование в энергетические и инфраструктурные проекты стран Арктики, достаточно стабильные торговые отношения с большинством арктических стран. Слабой стороной Китая выступает её негативный образ. Жители многих арктических стран с большой настороженностью относятся к «подъему Китая» и её растущему интересу к Арктике.Сильными сторонами Индии выступают положительный образ и представительная диаспора в арктических странах, особенно в США и Канаде. В будущем это позволит Дели успешно продвигать инициативы в Арктике. Слабой стороной Индии можно считать отсутствие судна «ледокольного класса», слабая инвестиционная активность индийских бизнес-структур и слабо изученность арктических проблем с точки зрения индийских вопросов.

The changes triggered by the emergence of the Xiongnu state, which occupied a dominant position in Central Asia at the end of the 1st millennium BC, radically influenced the fate of the nomadic and settled agricultural world. By this time, the process of transformation of traditional institutions of Xiongnu society had been basically completed and a rather complex management system with an extensive hierarchical structure had been formed. The seals were one of the symbols of the new system. Being a confirmation of social status seals were in circulation by the Xiongnu society up to its complete degradation. More than forty years ago, a bronze seal of the Xiongnu was found during the archaeological excavations of the Duryony settlement in Trans-Baikal region. This find still remains unique. In the publications focused on it, the main attention was paid to the style and composition of the carved image, as well as issues related to the appearance of seals among the Xiongnu and the role assigned to them in public life. In this study, the seal from the Duryony settlement is considered in the context of the results of large-scale archaeological studies of the complexes of the Xiongnu elite, carried out in Mongolia and Trans-Baikal area in the early 2000s. The observations made allow us to argue that the seal could belong to one of the representatives of the clan nobility buried in the Tsaramskaya valley, who ruled remote territories on the northern borders of the Xiongnu state, or someone from their entourage.

Remote DMA (RDMA) engines are widely used in clusters/data-centres to improve the performance of data transfers between applications running on different nodes of a computing system. RDMAs are today supported by most network architectures and distributed programming models. However, with the massive usage of virtualization most applications will use RDMAs from virtual machines, and the virtualization of such I/O devices poses several challenges. This paper describes a generic para-virtualization framework based on API Remoting, providing at the same time the flexibility of software based virtualization, and the low overhead of hardware-assisted solutions. The solution presented in this paper is targeting the KVM hypervisor, but is not bound to any target network architecture or specific RDMA engine, thanks to the virtualization at the level of the programming API. In addition, two of the major limitations of para-virtualization are addressed: data sharing between host and guest, and interactions between guests and hypervisor. A set of experimental results showed a near to native performance for the final user of the RDMA (i.e., maximum transfer bandwidth), with a higher overhead only to simulate the API functions used to initialize the RDMA device or allocate/deallocate RDMA buffers. ; This paper has been accepted for publication at the 2017 International Conference on High Performance Computing & Simulation (HPCS 2017), Genoa, Italy, July 17 – 21, 2017

Introduction. The article considers the trends in the development of Soviet historiography of Russian anti-war thought in the second half of the 19th and early 20th centuries. Analysis. The interrelation of the evolution of the views of Soviet researchers on pre-revolutionary pacifism with socio-political changes in the USSR is revealed. The negative assessments of "bourgeois pacifism" expressed by V.I. Lenin had a significant impact on the study of peacekeeping in the second half of the 19th and early 20th centuries. Methods and materials. In the existing historiography, only certain aspects of the problem are considered. Among the most important methods and approaches used in writing this work are the historical-systemic and historical-comparative methods. The source base of the study was primarily scientific works, reference and encyclopedic publications, and journalistic materials. Results. The authors propose to single out three stages in the history of the study of Russian anti-war thought in the second half of the 19th and early 20th centuries in Soviet times. The most distinct features of the first stage (lack of significant research on the topic, harshness, and categorical assessments) emerged in the mid-1920s and were traced until the mid-1950s. Against the background of political changes in the USSR and the growth of public interest in the problem of maintaining peace, there was a serious increase in research interest in the history of Russian anti-war thought. Peacekeeping ideas were considered during this period primarily within the framework of legal, historical, and philosophical studies. The third stage became noticeable at the end of the 1980s, which manifested itself in a significant increase in works on the history of domestic pacifism and its terminological "rehabilitation." Authors' contribution. N.Yu. Nikolaev revealed the trends in the development of Soviet historiography of Russian anti-war thought in the second half of the 19th and early 20th centuries. S.P. Ramazanov analyzed methodological approaches and carried out general scientific editing of the article.