Colourful zigzags, arcade game motifs, geometric figures, pseudo-frames of windows and even infantile drawings of flora and fauna – those are just some of the visible symptoms of the aesthetical and urbanistic chaotic condition also known as Polish pasteloza. One of the most common readings is that the excuse of thermal insulation is being (ab)used in order to radically erase the urbanistic, cultural and political heritage of Polish People's Republic (PPR) from the city landscape. On the other hand, inhabitants of 'pastelized' housing estates claim to be satisfied not only with the insulation but also with their role in decision-making processes. A sense of alienation from one's home seems to have gone away, together with the centralized state administration, and it is being replaced by citizen participation. The possibility of vindication of pasteloza's 'crimes against aesthetics' will be deliberated in this paper – in order to pave a path for more complex understanding of this phenomenon that could offer a solution for achieving a compromise between aesthetics and civic participation in post-transition processes.
Deep-rooted political turbulence, along with the present hybrid regime, have resulted in an undesirable social, economic and political milieu in Serbia. Such an atmosphere is a fertile ground for a grey economy, corruption, nepotism and restrictions to media freedoms. These 'unconventional' means of social functioning, have caused a decline in trust towards state institutions and proportionally, increase of citizen participation in non-institutional models of engagement. The aim of this paper is to analyse one such model of non-institutional engagement: the local activist group Za naš Kej, operating in the area Savski blokovi (Sava apartment blocks) in New Belgrade. The authors analysed local residents' perception of the activist group Za naš Kej in comparison to the group's narratives and actions. By using a grounded theory approach authors explained the role of groups such as Za Naš Kej in the development of participatory and deliberative democracy within the local community. Our data indicates that Za naš kej, despite its local character, does not have a strong foothold in the community, and thus receives only passive support. Citizens perceive Za naš kej as mediator between local institutions and residents of the Sava apartment blocks. Despite the failure to mobilise a wider group of citizens for their cause, this activist group continues to be a relevant (political) actor within the local community. ; Duboko ukorenjene političke turbulencije, zajedno sa sadašnjim hibridnim režimom, dovele su do nepoželjnog društvenog, ekonomskog i političkog miljea u Srbiji. Takva atmosfera je plodno tlo za sivu ekonomiju, korupciju, nepotizam i ograničavanje medijskih sloboda. Ovi "nekonvencionalni" načini društvenog funkcionisanja, izazvali su smanjivanje poverenja u državne institucije i srazmerno tome, porast učešć a građana u vaninstitucionalnim modelima angažovanja. Cilj ovog rada je da se analizira jedan takav model vaninstitucionalnog angažovanja: lokalna aktivistička grupa Za naš kej, koja deluje u Savskim blokovima na Novom Beogradu. Autorke su analizirale percepciju lokalnog stanovništva o aktivističkoj grupi Za naš Kej u poređenju sa narativima i akcijama grupe. Korišć enjem utemeljenog teorijskog pristupa autorke su objasnile ulogu grupa kao što je Za Naš Kej u razvoju participativne i deliberativne demokratije u lokalnoj zajednici. Naši podaci govore da Za naš kej, i pored svog lokalnog karaktera, nema čvrsto uporište u zajednici, pa stoga dobija samo pasivnu podršku. Građani vide Za naš kej kao posrednika između lokalnih institucija i stanovnika stambenih blokova pored Save. Uprkos neuspehu da mobiliše širu grupu građana, ova aktivistička grupa nastavlja da bude relevantan (politički) akter u lokalnoj zajednici.
