Search results

The Islamic Veil Affairs (2003-4 and 2009-2011), which led to the banning of Muslim girls wearing Islamic headscarves in French public schools and women wearing full-face veils in public, have raised serious concerns about the relationship between secularism and the freedom of religious expression.00In this book, 'Unveiling the French Republic: National Identity, Secularism, and Islam in Contemporary France', Per-Erik Nilsson engages in a careful critical analysis of the Veil Affairs. His critique, for the most part, is not on the decision of Muslim women to wear the veil but rather on the misuse of secular ideology to justify religious intolerance and mask ethnic prejudice

In Open Source Jihad, Per-Erik Nilsson provides a unique overview of the academic research and political legislation concerning 'Islamic terrorism' in Europe. He scrutinises in detail how the concepts 'terrorism', 'radicalisation', and 'counter-terrorism' have developed as academic objects of study and political objects of governance. In the Element, Nilsson brings to the fore systemic problems of the field of terrorism studies as well as the various anti-terrorist apparatuses developed by EU member states. Open Source Jihad should be required reading for anyone interested in current European political and social events

Contemporary France is a prolific arena for post-fascist actors, parties, and movements. Self-proclaimed alternative news outlets and publishing houses serve as forums for information and mobilisation, through various strategies, to resist an alleged onslaught by the enemies of the nation and its people: multiculturalism, feminism, political correctness, political corruption, and civilisational decay. In this article, I explore uncivility as a discursive logic within the French post-fascist media-ecology, focusing on the conspicuous use of irony and discursive displacement. More specifically, I discuss how sardonic irony as an uncivil discursive strategy is employed to navigate the legal boundaries of free speech and how discursive displacement, coupled with irony, is used as an affective identificatory technique in post-fascist discourse.

Represento um cargo que comemorou seu 1 73º aniversário este ano. Este cargo foi introduzido na Constituição em 1809 e começou a funcionar em 1810. A constituição de 1809 era, em extremo, influenciada pelas idéias de Montesquieu que dominavam o pensamento constitucional do continente europeu àquela época. No modelo sueco, sistema fundado no princípio da "divisão do poder", o exercício do poder legislativo deveria ser de competência do Parlamento, enquanto que ao Rei e ao Governo, por meio de seus diversos órgãos, isto é a administração caberia executar as leis. A tarefa do Ombudsman como parte do sistema parlamentar de controle, era verificar, em nome do Parlamento, que os órgãos do Governo cumprissem e aplicassem corretamente as leis. Se um órgão ou funcionário do Governo deixasse de fazê-lo, seria criticado; se o Ombudsman julgasse grave a falta ou a negligência poderia processar o ofensor numa corte criminal. Neste caso, o próprio Ombudsman agiria como promotor perante a Corte.

This article discusses modern Islam & what is commonly called Islamism. The aim with the discussion is to bring forward different views on the content & emergence of Islamism during the 20th century. The material for this discussion composes of three books each presenting different perspectives on the topic. The books are Olivier Roy's Globalized Islam, Bobby S. Sayyid's The Fundamental Fear, & finally Politics of Piety by Saba Mahmood. The discussion is narrowed down to two themes or questions: a) terminology -- what does one mean when using the word Islamism? b) Islamism & the relation to West -- is Islamism described as a reaction to western hegemony, a product of West, or something else? In the article support is given to Mahmood's attempt at understanding Islamism on a micro-level. Mahmood's analysis is argued to be a fruitful attempt to move away from generalizations & diffuse understandings of Islamism. Adapted from the source document.

This article synthesizes the authors' earlier research on strategic communication in Ukraine during its first year of enduring Russia's full-scale invasion and the subsequent war of aggression in 2022. The analysis is framed within the academic fields of strategic communication, military innovation theory, and theories on the mediatization of war. It aims to provide a nuanced understanding of Ukrainian strategic communication by focusing on how it is shaped and functions within specific historical, cultural, political, and social milieus, thus offering a holistic view of its evolution and impact during wartime. The article highlights the importance of approaching strategic communications as an all-encompassing task, engaging government bodies and the wider academic society for an evidence-based policy-based lessons-learned approach. It is argued that the Ukrainian case illustrates that effective strategic communication is deeply intertwined with consistent action, societal unity, political strategy, and national identity.

This article is an analysis of the recognition of the Missionary Church of Kopimism as a faith community by the Swedish state. The analysis draws on post-Foucaultian writings on governmentality and seeks to understand what kind of normative and proscriptive understandings of "religion" guide the process. The authors argue that the recognition reveals fundamental aspects of the Swedish state's performative role in the recognition of faith communities which challenges any unreflective classification of it as "secular." ; Impact of Religion

This article analyzes a minor event in the city of Gothenburg in Sweden that rose from being a local scandal to become a national mediatized political affair. It is argued that local articulations of the discourse on Islamic terrorism function as a way of regulating access to the public sphere by the politics of extremization, i.e., the performative identification of certain Muslim subjects as threats to the established order by their very presence in the public sphere. It is also argued that the polarization of political debate brought about by the mediatization of politics, coupled with the dichotomous logic of the discourse on Islamic terrorism, poses serious challenges to any sound and deliberate political debate.