Suchergebnisse

The EU is learning the hard way to reduce dependencies on geopolitical rivals, including China and Russia. The allies are taking the first steps in this new geoeconomic reality. A brief history of the EU's geoeconomic vision For years, the US had pointed to Germany and other EU member states' dependence on Russian gas as […]
La entrada Economic security: a new age for the EU se publicó primero en Elcano Royal Institute.

Los desafíos de la intervención social y los límites de las ciencias sociales. Una conversación con César Rendueles

The 2016 EU Global Strategy and the 2015 European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP) review have made stabilisation of the ENP area one of their main priorities. Our argument here, however, is that the Global Strategy and the ENP review not only seek to mitigate the numerous crises currently affecting the neighbourhood; they also aim to address a set of intra-EU vulnerabilities linked to events in the ENP area that are threatening the EU's own ontological security. We employ narrative analysis to explore how insecurity in the EU and in the ENP area is affecting the EU's relation to the neighbourhood-other and its understanding of the EU-self. Our main findings point to the Global Strategy and the ENP review providing ample measures to stabilise the neighbourhood. However, whether they have provided a sufficiently compelling narrative to enable the emergence of new emotional structures for the EU and its member states to make sense of themselves and their relation to the neighbourhood-other remains an open question.

Resumen: Argentina ha sido uno de los pocos miembros de la OMC que desde 2003 ha decidido revertir su proceso de liberalización comercial de los 80 y 90 sustituyéndola por políticas altamente proteccionistas de muchos sectores industriales al mismo tiempo que ha implementado elevadas barreras a las exportaciones de productos agropecuarios. Estas políticas han sido administradas de manera arbitraria y han violado muchas reglas y obligaciones asumidas en la OMC como también, de los principios del Mercosur y la propia Constitución. El artículo presenta un detalle de estas políticas y concuerda con aquellos que atribuyen gran parte de la actual recesión a las mismas. También enfatiza el hecho de que a los Miembros de la OMC les ha llevado 12 años demostrar que en efecto, Argentina ha estado incumpliendo muchos de los Acuerdos. La experiencia multilateral de la última década demuestra que las obligaciones OMC son útiles para aquellos miembros cuyos gobiernos concuerdan con los principios de una economía abierta y transparente pero en nada impiden a otros países implementar proyectos escudados detrás de elevadas barreras comerciales. ; Abstract: Argentina has been one of the very few WTO Members that since 2003 reversed its trade liberalization measures of the late 80s and 90s and reintroduced highly protectionist import policies while at the same time, heavily discriminating against major agricultural exports. These barriers have been administered discretionally violating: i) many multilateral trade rules, ii) the Mercosur principles and, iii) the country's own Constitution. The paper summarizes the major trade discriminating policies and sides with those that attribute most of the ongoing recession to these policies. It also highlights the fact that it has taken most WTO Members twelve years to decide that in fact Argentina has been violating its Agreements and the country's obligations causing many of their industries costs in terms of lost exports. One important lesson emerges. Multilateral rules provide domestic gains to those Members whose governments concur with the significance of open trade policies administered transparently but they do not impede reversals of trade liberalization programs.