Suchergebnisse

The Chinese revolutions were the standard-bearers of the world revolution that influenced many independence fighters in colonialized countries. Feudalism, militarism and imperialism were the main 'enemies' to the masses that trapped them in the various social inequities of poverty, exploitation and subjugation. Self-worth and national pride were the drivers of the Chinese Revolution as they embedded Chinese nationalism within Marx-Lenin's revolutionary strategy. However, the formation, organization and revolutionary struggle of the Chinese Communist Party was defined and controlled by the Communist International (Comintern) and Stalin that placed them in a straitjacket beyond the border of the Chinese society. A two-stage revolutionary strategy was to be applied in China where the infant CCP must work with Kuomintang (KMT) to gain national liberation of China from imperialism, militarism and feudalism under the leadership of Dr Sun Yat-sen to Chiang Kai-shek. However, defining the changing society in China from afar blinded Stalin interpretation of Marx-Lenin theses as a revolution from below was trigged by the peasant uprisings and KMT's voices are national revolution but in practice is reactionary. KMT's voices of revolutionary vigour are to obtain Russian aid and military support but in realpolitik, it massacres the peasants and the labourers who rebel and jeopardies their militarist-capitalist-imperialist agenda. Students of contemporary societal and political change could learn from the Tragedy of the Chinese Revolution, where the body of knowledge applied was socially blinded to the changing social reality of the locality.Revolusi Cina adalah pembawa standar revolusi dunia yang mempengaruhi banyak pejuang kemerdekaan di negara-negara terjajah. Feodalisme, militerisme, dan imperialisme adalah 'musuh' utama massa yang menjebak mereka dalam berbagai ketidakadilan sosial berupa kemiskinan, eksploitasi dan penaklukan. Hal ini mendorong terjadinya revolusi. Harga diri dan kebanggaan nasional adalah pendorong Revolusi Cina karena mereka menanamkan nasionalisme Cina dalam strategi revolusioner Marx-Lenin. Namun, pembentukan, organisasi dan perjuangan revolusioner Partai Komunis Tiongkok ditentukan dan dikendalikan oleh Komunis Internasional (Komintern) dan Stalin yang menempatkan mereka dalam jaket pengekang di luar batas masyarakat Tiongkok. Strategi revolusioner dua tahap akan diterapkan di Tiongkok di mana PKC yang masih bayi harus bekerja dengan Kuomintang (KMT) untuk mendapatkan pembebasan nasional Tiongkok dari imperialisme, militerisme, dan feodalisme di bawah kepemimpinan Dr Sun Yat-sen ke Chiang Kai-shek. Namun, mendefinisikan masyarakat yang berubah di Cina dari interpretasi Stalin yang membutakan atas tesis Marx-Lenin sebagai revolusi dari bawah dipicu oleh pemberontakan petani dan suara KMT adalah revolusi nasional tetapi dalam praktiknya adalah reaksioner. Suara kekuatan revolusioner KMT adalah untuk mendapatkan bantuan dan dukungan militer Rusia tetapi dalam politik nyata, KMT membantai para petani dan buruh yang memberontak dan membahayakan agenda militeris-kapitalis-imperialis mereka. Mahasiswa perubahan sosial dan politik kontemporer dapat belajar dari Tragedi Revolusi Cina, di mana tubuh pengetahuan yang diterapkan secara sosial dibutakan oleh realitas sosial yang berubah dari lokalitas.

Malaysia is a product of a post-colonial plural society. However, under the influences of development, migration and technological changes, the plural society characters of the nation have undergone social transformation from one of a compartmentalized society by language, culture, religion and economic vocation into a diverse society. However, the conceptual and theoretical frameworks of the tradition of Furnivall's plural society may not be able to explain the fluidity and dynamism of contemporary Malaysia. Ethnic and religious dimensions may define the ethnicised society but to argue that such a society is a plural society may not do justice to explain the shift from ethno-religious concerned are being embedded with civic spaces of justice, inclusivity and participative democracy of the Malaysian diverse society. This article grapples with the constraints of the Furnivall tradition by introducing the conceptual framework of ethnic boundary in the tradition of Barth and the theoretical framework of the sociology of modernization and development in understanding and explaining the social changes taking place in Malaysia. Ethnic identity still prevails but it has thinned as an influence on social action. Studies show that social cohesion dominates the relationship of the diverse ethnic groups that shared a common norm, showing greater similarities rather than differences and under such social differentiation in the society, they relate to one another horizontally and least vertically.

This essay tried to describe the social relationship between Malay and Chinese in Malaysia nowadays. Malay and Chinese are the largest ethnic group in Malaysia. These groups influence development of nation building. Their character, values and life perpective were implemented into their social life. Political journey and political economy of the state are resultant of cooperation, contestation, and conflict between these groups. According to official report, media and political discourse, both groups are based on different based and eventually located separatedly in almost every aspect of social life. However, the gap has not broken a stability and development of the state from agricultural to industrial. The social change is demonstrated into economic development, bussiness, economic share and ethno-religion management for a peace, stability, and development. Since a social change is very incremental and evolutional instead of reformation, revolution and ethnic war, scholars and social observer are missed to observed behind ethnic, culture, ethnic gap, familiarity and life perspective. Although they are different ethnic, in aspect of perspective, attitude and character, it is exhibited getting close each other instead of different and separated. Kata Kunci: perhubungan etnik, pembangunan bangsa, pembangunan Negara, perubahan social

The COVID-19 pandemic has actually forced people to work at home. Office activities outside the home can result in the transmission of COVID-19 to its workers. The government has taken a decision to minimize employee attendance at the office. Employees are encouraged to work at home (WFH), especially in groups vulnerable to infection. The house is turned into an "office space." With the internet network, these employees are connected to each other. Although factually, this pattern is not a new thing because it has been carried out since the 2000s and is now becoming increasingly intensive. Through qualitative research with an ethnomethodological perspective, the results show that with this pattern, the house has become an encounter between public space and domestic space. This requires a strategy to manage roles in the home. Through in-depth observations and interviews, there were several important findings. First, there is a struggle for space in the house. Second, there is a transfer of stress from work to home. Third, there is a renegotiation of roles in the house, so as not to disturb family harmony. No less important, the community of users of social media and virtual meetings builds constructions of public and domestic space and time. The division of space and time in virtual space is also related to a person's role and social status when in the real world of work.