Suchergebnisse

Islam in the Malay world of Southeast Asia or Islam Nusantara, as it has come to be known, had for a long time been seen as representing the more spiritual and Sufi dimension of Islam, thereby striking a balance between the exoteric and the esoteric. This image of 'the smiling face of Islam' has been disturbed during the last decades with increasing calls for the implementation of Shari'ah, conceived of in a narrow manner, intolerant discourse against non-Muslim communities, and hate speech against minority Muslims such as the Shi'ites. There has also been what some have referred to as the Salafization of Sunni Muslims in the region. The chapters of this volume are written by scholars and activists from the region who are very perceptive of such trends in Malay world Islam and promise to improve our understanding of developments that are sometimes difficult to grapple with.

"Muslims constitute about half a million or 15 percent of Singapore's multiracial and multireligious population. In 1968, the Singapore Parliament passed the Administration of Muslim Law Act (AMLA), which led to the formation of Muis or the Majlis Ugama Islam Singapura (Islamic Religious Council of Singapore). The formation of Muis has brought about better administration of Muslim affairs in Singapore in meeting the religious needs of the Muslim community in areas like the issuance of fatwa (religious rulings), provision of halal food, management of haj (religious pilgrimage), collection and disbursement of zakat (charity tithe), running of madrasahs (religious schools) and having access to sound Islamic education. This was achieved with Muis having earned the trust and confidence of the community and ensuring the mutual facilitation of the community's, state's and society's needs. Fulfilling the Trust: 50 Years of Shaping Muslim Religious Life in Singapore is the first book that comprehensively studies the development of Muis' policies over the last 50 years since its founding in 1968. It offers an insight into the multi-faceted considerations and the overall context of the development of such policies, providing a wide-ranging and evaluative analyses of their evolution in the various work domains. The book argues that in order to better appreciate Muis' policies, one has to also understand the critical junctures, socio-historical context, diverse stakeholders and decision-makers' perspectives that led Muis to respond to issues and challenges in a certain way. This book is a valuable contribution to the community's cultural and experiential heritage, providing an indispensable resource for anyone or any institution wishing to pursue a constructive role for religious communities to equally contribute towards the betterment of a thriving plural society ensconced within a secular-based polity."--Publisher's website.

This paper argues that PH should not take the UMNO-PAS cooperation for granted because their success reflects the sentiments of disgruntled Malays across the country. While the government has the mandate to reform institutions, the economy, and tackle corruption, it cannot ignore the politicization of identity, particularly Malay rights and Islam. Politicization of identity can also pit the government against the Malay rulers, a symbolic yet powerful group that can alter the political balance of power in favour of BN.

"50 Years of Malay/Muslim Community in Singapore highlights the progress, the contributions and the challenges of the community for the past 50 years since Singapore's independence in 1965. While progress is significant, challenges remain an uphill battle towards a comprehensive community development. As the book narrates stories from the past — the successes and the challenges — it is also important for the community to reflect and to look ahead — Majulah! Readership: General public, researchers, politicians and students of social science."--Provided by publisher

Indonesia is the most populous Muslim country in the world, with 87.18 per cent of its 260 million population embracing the Islamic faith. However, Indonesia is neither an Islamic state nor a secular one. It adopts Pancasila as the state ideology but has a Ministry of Religious Affairs (MORA) overseeing six official religions. MORA has its genesis in Dutch colonial rule (1602-1942). It was strengthened during the Japanese occupation (1942-45) and then sustained by the post-independence Indonesia government (after 1945). The decision to keep MORA was to compensate those who had aspired for the enactment of the Jakarta Charter in the era of Sukarno but failed. MORA has always been the arena for contestation between the traditionalist Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) and the modernist Muhammadiyah. Both organizations eye not only the minister post, or leadership positions in the bureaucracy, but also lower ranking positions. This article examines how MORA has been managed under President Joko Widodo (Jokowi) from 2014 till the present. It highlights similarities and differences in Jokowi's control of the influential ministry compared to his predecessors. In 2014, even though Jokowi was elected on a reform agenda, he left MORA untouched. After the 2019 election, Jokowi appointed Fachrul Razi, a retired general as Minister of Religious Affairs, departing from past practices of naming a religious scholar (ulama) or a religiously trained person (santri) to that position. This demonstrates a wish on the part of the President to shake up the ministry and to exert control over the institution. This decision, however, has alienated core supporters in NU who helped him get re-elected in 2019.

Many scholars on Malaysia have recognized that Salafism-Wahhabism has penetrated substantially into the countr's political and social life. The southern state of Johor has always been considered, and remains, the bastion of kaum tua, with its religious institutions dominated by ulama (religious scholars) who are traditionalist in character but tolerant of religious practices that are infused with local culture and mysticism. These scholars have also tended to maintain conservative attitudes on gender issues, inter-religious relations, and intra-faith differences. The Sultan of Johor appoints the Mufti whose primary role is to issue fatwas (religious rulings) and be the ex-officio of the Johor Islamic Religious Council, the highest Islamic body in the state. Johor's Muftis are dominantly political quietists, and loyal to the ruling family. Occasional interventions by the Sultan of Johor in the religious sphere have proved crucial in ensuring that the state maintains its Malay character. The Sultan also acts to protect the state's religious institutions from encroachment by the federal government.

Frontmatter -- FOREWORD -- EXECUTIVE SUMMARY -- INTRODUCTION -- TRADITIONALISM, MODERNISM, AND SALAFI-WAHHABISM -- ISLAMIC ORGANIZATIONS IN BATAM -- BATAM MUSLIMS AND TRADITIONALISTS -- THE SINGAPORE DIMENSION -- CONCLUSION: EXCLUSIVISM AND TRADITIONALISM -- REFERENCES

Abstract
This article examines the position of the Malay religious elite towards the idea of women as leaders. Based on an analysis of the writings and sermons of a sample of the religious elite, the article concludes that they continue to be of the view that gender roles in modern society are 'fixed', 'divine', and 'unquestionable'. By exploring Mohammed Arkoun's concept of the 'unthinkable', I argue that the notion that women are unfit for top political leadership positions, by virtue of their gender, results from a parochial attitude towards traditions relating to women's role in society and from a general failure to re-evaluate traditions in the light of the modern-day context. By traditions here, I refer not only to the hadiths (recorded sayings of the Prophet Mohammad), but also compilations of Qurʾanic exegesis (tafsīr) and juristic opinions (fatāwā, s. fatwa) passed down from one generation to another in the last 1,400 years of Islamic history. The article also explores how the religious elite's views of gender equality might be reformed—it suggests that they need to be challenged with alternative discourses in order to transform their attitude towards religious sources from one that is unquestioning to one that is more questioning.

After the fall of the New Order in 1998, the Ulama Council of Indonesia (MUI) has been in the limelight for many of its controversial and conservative fatwa (legal opinions). Formed in 1975 by President Suharto, MUI was intended to serve as an institution to manage and discipline dissent, challenges and defiance by grassroots organisations. However, recent writings point to its changing character: Its fatwas are becoming more conservative; it is more assertive and powerful; and its fatwas, particularly the 2005 SIPILIS (anti-secularism, pluralism and liberalism), are deemed as contributing to violence towards minorities. This article reassess the scholarly conclusions and media reports made about the relationship between MUI, the Indonesian state and society. Examining MUI's attempt to define public morality as a case study, particularly its role in the 2008 pornography bill and efforts to "moralise" entertainment, the article argues that MUI is internally fragmented and weak.

The outlook for Southeast Asia for 2017 reflects more than challenges this broader view. 2016 saw changes to major power interests in the region as well as disruptive political dynamics in five of the six most populous Southeast Asian countries. These will play out in 2017 and beyond.

Chin, J.: The 2015 Singapore general elections (GE): Lee Kuan Yew's last hurrah? - S. [113]-117