L'ampleur de la crise économique et financière qui marque le monde, fait interpeller des disciplines diverses, non seulement l'économie, le droit, la sociologie, l'histoire, l'anthropologie et les sciences politiques, mais aussi la religion et la morale. L'économie islamique est d'essence une économie morale de profondeur sociale. Le présent ouvrage est le recueil d'une série de conférences présentées par l'auteur lors des colloques internationaux de Montauban, de l'université de Toulouse. Le but est de découvrir l'apport de cette économie islamique, à travers ses principes théoriques et ses mécanismes pratiques. L'accent est mis sur les fondements éthiques de cette économie à travers les di érents thèmes abordés : la justice, la solidarité, la réciprocité, la liberté économique socialement responsable et une économie basée sur les ressources et non sur la dette
"This book locates US elites as members of corporate elite networks and drivers of corporate elite interests and argues that studying the social sources of US power plays an important part in understanding the nature of their decisions in US foreign policy. Exploring the decisions taken by American elites on the Iraq war, the author argues that the decisions and agendas US elites pursued in Iraq were driven by corporate elite interests - embedded in them as individuals and in groups through the corporate elite networks they were rooted in - which they prioritised, using democracy promotion as a cover up. Using elite theory, membership network analysis and content analysis, this book explains who these elites were, how their backgrounds and social influences impacted their world-views, and what this looked like in a detailed exploration of their decision-making on the ground in Iraq. Nouri examines the nature of US power, what drives it, what it looks like and its legacies. This volume provides valuable understandings and lessons to scholars and students of International Relations studying democracy, US foreign policy, post-colonialism, elite theory, US imperialism, neoliberalism, orientalism, Iraqi politics, and the making of the Iraq constitution"--
Introduction : collaborative revolutionism / Nouri Gana -- Part 1. Contexts : roots of discontent. Under the emperor's neoliberal clothes! : why the international financial institutions got it wrong in Tunisia / Emma C. Murphy ; Playing the Islamic card : the use and abuse of religion in Tunisian politics / Kenneth Perkins ; United States policy towards Tunisia : what new engagement after an expendable "friendship"? / Lofti Ben Rejeb ; "Friends of Tunisia" : French economic and diplomatic support of Tunisian authoritarianism / Amy Aisen Kallander -- pt. 2. Architects : genealogies of dissent. From socio-economic protest to national revolt : the labor origins of the Tunisian revolution / Sami Zemni ; The powers of social media / Tarek Kahlaoui ; Rethinking the role of the media in the Tunisian uprising / Rikke Hostrup Haugbølle ; Visions of dissent, voices of discontent : postcolonial Tunisian film and song / Nori Gana -- pt. 3. Prospects : the postrevolutionary moment. From resistance to governance : the category of civility in the political theory of Tunisian Islamists / Nadia Marzouki ; Women's rights before and after the revloution / Monica Marks ; The rise of Salafism and the future of democratization / Fabio Merone and Francesco Cavatorta ; The fragile Tunisian democracy : what prospects for the future? / Lise Storm -- Postscript : preserving the exemplar / Nori Gana
This paper contemplates the impact of orientalist discourse on the application of international law, with a focus on the 2003 US occupation of Iraq. The emphasis of the paper is on how international law failed to protect Iraqis from imperial US decision-making, and served US elites to the detriment of Iraqis – something which international law specifically aims to prevent. The paper argues that knowledge production in the form of orientalist discourse played a crucial role in legitimizing and expanding the meaning and application of regulations during the occupation of Iraq, served the interests of the occupiers, and led to regular violations of international law.
Purpose: With the expansion of the quality level of activity as well as the widespread development of economic affairs, financial and investment decisions are among the most complex issues that arise in order to obtain the best return and desirability in the best conditions. In this regard, financial managers, given the primary responsibility for these decisions, seek to establish relationships between the factors of the firms in the firm, including investment opportunities. The purpose of this paper is to examine the relationship between management ability and political connection with investment opportunities. The QT ratio and market to book ratio (MTB) are used to measure corporate investment opportunities. Methodology: Corporate political connection is defined by Fasio's political cost variables and the use of the TOPSIS multi-criteria decision-making models and the Shannon entropy weighting method. In order to test the hypotheses, 116 companies listed in Tehran Stock Exchange during the period 2014-2019 were selected for the sample. Findings: The results of the analysis using the generalized least squares hybrid regression (GLS) method indicate that there is a significant and positive relationship between management ability and investment opportunities in Tehran Stock Exchange companies. There is a negative and significant relationship between political connection and investment opportunities. The political connection also does not affect the relationship between management ability and investment opportunities. Originality/Value: The purpose of this paper is to examine the relationship between management ability and political connection with investment opportunities. The QT ratio and market to book ratio (MTB) are used to measure corporate investment opportunities.
The global refugee crisis has reached an all-time high, with over 68 million innocent people forced to flee their homes due to violence, famine, governmental instability, or genocide. As a result of the struggles and traumas encountered by war and migration, millions of refugees suffer from acute and life-threatening physical and mental health illnesses. However, these diseases and internal-battles are often overlooked, leaving most conflict-stricken countries and refugee camps ill-equipped and unable to cope. Rather than settling into more humane and healthy living conditions, upon migration, most refugees are faced with realities that deny them a dignified and fulfilling life. More often than not, refugee camps and host countries accommodate a deplorable lifestyle that provides minimal and inadequate health-care, extreme and life-threatening poverty, and inhumane and unsanitary living conditions-exasperating the rate and risk of morbidity and mortality amongst refugee populations. This research paper aims to analyze the harsh conditions that refugees and conflict-stricken populations are currently forced to endure, as well as the effects of those conditions on the spread of communicable and non-communicable diseases, the development and growth of neonatal disorders, and the overall rise in mental illness. The paper also aims to suggest specific measures that can be taken in order to prevent the increase in morbidity and mortality rates amongst vulnerable refugee populations and recommend steps that international bodies and non-governmental organizations can take in order to solve the refugee health crisis.
The Anthropocene, a phenomenon that is too complex to be entirely grasped and which instead only marks itself through signs like climate change and the other environmental disasters, offers challenges to the treatment of the natural environments by humans. Accordingly, in order to manifest the Anthropocene epoch through literature, writers need to address a variety of the interrelated issues to be able to render the complexity of the phenomenon. In The Year of the Flood, Atwood places the issue of the Anthropocene in the context of social, political and economic conditions and attempts to narrate the story of the Anthropocene as a part of cultural memory to encourage the readers to take responsibility towards the environmental degradation.
The global refugee crisis has reached an all-time high, with over 68 million innocent people forced to flee their homes due to violence, famine, governmental instability, or genocide. As a result of the struggles and traumas encountered by war and migration, millions of refugees suffer from acute and life-threatening physical and mental health illnesses. However, these diseases and internal-battles are often overlooked, leaving most conflict-stricken countries and refugee camps ill-equipped and unable to cope. Rather than settling into more humane and healthy living conditions, upon migration, most refugees are faced with realities that deny them a dignified and fulfilling life. More often than not, refugee camps and host countries accommodate a deplorable lifestyle that provides minimal and inadequate health-care, extreme and life-threatening poverty, and inhumane and unsanitary living conditions-exasperating the rate and risk of morbidity and mortality amongst refugee populations. This research paper aims to analyze the harsh conditions that refugees and conflict-stricken populations are currently forced to endure, as well as the effects of those conditions on the spread of communicable and non-communicable diseases, the development and growth of neonatal disorders, and the overall rise in mental illness. The paper also aims to suggest specific measures that can be taken in order to prevent the increase in morbidity and mortality rates amongst vulnerable refugee populations and recommend steps that international bodies and non-governmental organizations can take in order to solve the refugee health crisis.
This article examines the cultural politics of bastardy in the films of Tunisian filmmaker Nouri Bouzid at a time when questions of national and cultural identity have come to the fore in Tunisia in the wake of the Revolution of Freedom and Dignity. Nouri Bouzid is the doyen of Tunisian cinema. Not only was he involved in every major postcolonial film, whether as a screenwriter, a scriptwriter, or even as an actor, but he single-handedly directed more than half a dozen films, each of which enjoyed wide national and international acclaim. His debut film, Man of Ashes, dramatizes the trauma of child molestation and the collapse of filial relations as well as the emergence of a new generation of men who seek to recast filial and familial relations beyond blood ties and familial limitations. This same cinematic pursuit is further developed in his later films with striking consistency and perseverance. At a time when the postrevolutionary public sphere is saturated with heated debates around Tunisian national identity, propelled by fantasies of purity and virile filiation, Bouzid's bastard characters serve, the author argues, not only to warp and reclaim the political playing field for revolutionary purposes but also to remind Tunisians of the disturbing legacy of bastardy (instituted by a long history of colonial rape from the Romans to the French) to which they had been and continue to be heirs, and with which they have to reckon. Studying the rhetoric of bastardy in Bouzid's cinema leaves us in the end with the touching yet unsparing conclusion that for Bouzid there are no Tunisians until they have assumed their bastardy.
This research aims to identify the connection between the subject and its interrelations with other syntactic elements included in theArabic sentence; this understanding is based on Arabic grammar and functional grammar.The present article is not restricted only to the description of the subject positions within the subject network analysis but it rathersets out to arrive at semantic web.
