Suchergebnisse

Intro -- CONTROL METHODOLOGY -- Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data -- Contents -- Preface -- About the Author -- Introduction -- Chapter 1: Control Activity -- 1.1. Activity -- 1.2. Control -- Chapter 2: Foundations of Control Methodology -- 2.1. Psychological, Sociological and Philosophical Foundations -- 2.2. Ethical and Aesthetical Foundations -- Chapter 3: Characteristics of Control Activity -- 3.1. Features of Control Activity -- 3.2. Principles of Control Activity -- Chapter 4: Logical Structure of Control Activity -- 4.1. Complex of Control Tasks -- 4.2. Types of Control -- 4.3. Subjects of Control -- 4.4. Methods of Control -- 4.5. Forms of Control -- 4.6. Control Means -- 4.7. Control Cycle and Control Functions -- 4.8. Control Mechanisms -- 4.9. Structure of Control Theory -- Chapter 5: Temporal Structure of Control Activity -- Conclusion -- References -- Index.

This article provides a comprehensive overview of the taxation system in Montenegro. The social signifi cance of the tax potential of this region is demonstrated. The features of taxation in Montenegro are described.

Full text translation in English (pp. 87-96 of this issue): https://panor.ru/articles/social-significance-of-regional-tax-potential-experience-of-montenegro/48148.html

The Greater Eurasian Partnership project, put forward back in 2016, has become one of Russia's key initiatives to build its version of a broad regionalism covering a significant part of the continent. The launch of the Special Military Operation and the deepening of the Russian-Western confrontation has created and continues to create huge structural changes in the global and regional international system. It also brings serious adjustments to Russia's foreign policy, its objective capabilities and subjective perception of its initiatives. The aim of this study is to determine the prospects of the Greater Eurasia concept under the changing geopolitical conditions of 2016-2022. It provides a brief overview of the conditions in which Eurasian regionalism developed during the period under review; traces the development of the Greater Eurasia concept in Russian official and expert discourse, shows how the ideological content of the initiative developed, how the initially widely interpreted concept crystallised; considers the achievements in the implementation of the concept, among which the most prominent is the "narrative expansion" on various international platforms, including not only within the framework of the EAEU promoted by Russia, but also within the framework of the Eurasian Economic Union. In order to fulfil the objectives of this study, the authors relied on the analysis of statements of public figures of the Russian Federation and other states at international events and publicist literature, analytical articles in scientific journals and press, official documents and statements of international organisations. The main conclusion of the study is the ambiguity of the situation in which the concept of Greater Eurasia has found itself under conditions of increasing geopolitical confrontation and the relatively modest results of its implementation in recent years. At the same time, one cannot help but notice that the increasingly complex conditions can be an incentive for the evolution and concretisation of the concept, as well as the adaptation of the foreign policy leadership's approach to its implementation. Thus, we can say that despite the difficult conditions, the concept can still claim to be a great future.

Can international anarchy be stabilized, if not globally, then at least regionally? Those scholars who give a positive answer usually refer to the North Atlantic community which can be categorized as an international society from the viewpoint of the English school. The emergence of such a community outside the West is traditionally considered hardly possible. However, this article argues that it may already be emerging in Eurasia, with Russia and China being the key drivers of this trend. In the past few years, these two powers have put forward a number of major initiatives aimed at developing transport networks and logistics, and deepening economic and institutional ties between different parts of the continent. These include but are not limited to Eurasian Economic Union, supported by Russia, and China's Belt and Road Initiative. Together, Moscow and Beijing began to form a new platform for security and economic cooperation "from Kaliningrad to Shanghai"—the community of Greater Eurasia. Based on the analysis of the geopolitical logic of these initiatives, this article suggests that a new, non-Western international society may be forming in Eurasia among the states with different political systems and cultures, but common geopolitical aims and fears.

The U.S. withdrawal from the Trans‐Pacific Partnership (TPP) project in January 2017 effectively marked the end (at least—for some time) of the period of active competition between so‐called "mega‐regional agreements" in the Asia‐Pacific region. A flagship of the Obama administration's initiatives in Asia, the TPP spurred China to intensify work on an alternative project—its Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP)—and sparked an unusual wave of competition among APR institutions. Significantly, Russia joined this "partnership race" in 2016, putting forward an initiative to build a Greater Eurasian Partnership. It became something of a given that any power aspiring to regional leadership must have its own "partnership plan" to promote. At the same time, the formation and development of mega‐regional partnerships is an important stage in the regionalization of the world economy and global politics and a key element of the new phenomenon of regionalization. This article examines the TPP and RCEP initiatives as attempts to form a regional international order holding some degree of autonomy from the global set of rules for the functioning of regional international systems—in this case, that of the APR.

Abstract
The authors consider reflexive games that describe the interaction of subjects (agents) making decisions based on an awareness structure, i.e., a hierarchy of beliefs about essential parameters, beliefs about beliefs, and so on. It was shown that the language of graphs of reflexive games represents a convenient uniform description method for reflexion effects in bélles-léttres.

The Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO), established more than two decades ago, is one of the most important international organizations in the non-western world. While attracting the interest of many players in the region, the SCO is still searching for direction, creating new formats, and signing new documents. This process is especially relevant in the current, rapidly changing geopolitical environment, which requires meaningful answers to key issues of security, economy, development of scientific and social spheres, and so on. In this article, the authors identify the key areas of development of the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation, highlighting the most elaborated security track, the bloc of economic development, projects to strengthen cooperation in the field of energy resources, and issues of scientific and social development, as well as the role of the organization in the formation of the framework of Greater Eurasia. Having analyzed the SCO's activities on the basis of the documents it has adopted and the organizations created within its structure, as well as the narrative at the level of experts and government officials, the authors conclude that, while the SCO has a significant potential in the areas under consideration and has even achieved certain successes in some areas, such as joint security, the organization lacks quality implementation of the documents it has adopted and coherence in the joint implementation of its decisions. Despite this, the SCO has nevertheless become an important element of interaction between the bloc's countries and a key a tool for preserving security in Eurasia