Suchergebnisse

Klappentext: Diese Analyse Brasiliens gewinnt ihre Kraft aus einem Rückgriff auf Michel Foucault und Karl Marx als Eckpfeiler einer Theorie, die Raum und Macht als verwobene Phänomene wahrnimmt. Dieser engagierte Zugang ordnet sich in die Tradition politökonomischer Studien ein, bei der es um das Wechselspiel zwischen dem Handeln in einem abgrenzbaren Territorium (einem politischen Machtbehälter) und der strukturellen Einbettung in polit-ökonomische Verflechtungen geht: Selbstbestimmung und Demokratie vor Ort auf der einen Seite, Weltmarkteinbindung und ökonomische Globalisierung auf der anderen. Der Ausgang dieses Kräftespiels ist ungewiß, denn weder gibt es eine unentrinnbare ökonomische Logik von Profit und Kapital, noch dürfen politische Handlungsspielräume naiv überschätzt werden. Auch für Brasilien gilt, daß Menschen Geschichte und Geographie machen - aber eben nur innerhalb vorgegebener Strukturen. Diese Strukturen sind vom europäischen Kolonialismus und der daraus resultierenden abhängigen Stellung in der Weltwirtschaft geprägt.

This article advances Rodrik's political trilemma of the world economy by using insights from Polanyi's The Great Transformation, which helps to grasp the interwoven dynamics of long-term transformations due to climate change and geopolitical reordering on one hand, and on the other short-term political ruptures due to countermovements. Rodrik's globalization trilemma shows the incompatibility of hyperglobalization with the need for an enlarged democratic policy space. Its nodes (globalization, nation state and democracy), however, have to be redefined to grasp contemporary dynamics of deglobalization. Based on a modified political trilemma of contemporary social-ecological transformation, I discuss and compare three visions and the resultant strategies: (1) Liberal globalism, focusing on hyperglobalization and individualism, (2) nationalistic capitalism, stressing national sovereignty and authoritarian governance, and (3) foundational economy based on planetary coexistence which combines selective economic deglobalization with a strengthening of a place-based foundational economy, and their respective social-ecological infrastructural configurations.

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The article explores the potential of a Polanyian analysis for overcoming the current Manichean opposition between cosmopolitan globalizers and reactionary nationalists. For long, Karl Polanyi has inspired socio-economic thinking in different ways. First, his reflections on the end of the first period of globalization in the 1930s offer insights for analysing the current political-economic situation. Furthermore, Polanyi contributes to an institutional analysis and utopian thinking towards a civilization for all. His approach enables a combination of a critique of current neoliberal globalization as a renewed version of the "liberal Utopia" with a cultural and ecological critique of capitalism as a mode of production and living. In this respect, Karl Polanyi may be contrasted to Friedrich Hayek, both contemporaries of Red Vienna, an ambitious project of local socialism as a step towards a "good life for all". The social and cultural struggles in Vienna during the 1920s and 1930s offer insights for current confrontations worldwide, but especially in Brazil where the reformist attempts of civilizing capitalism where confronted with severe opposition. Instead of the false polarization between globalization and nationalism, policies "for the select few" are opposed to policies "for all". Finally, Polanyi's reflections will be used to shed light onto the current impasse resulting from the illegitimate deposition of president Dilma Rousseff.