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Researchers into censorship in communist Poland have often analysed the relations existing between the censorship authorities and creatorsor publishers, but have more rarely examined the relationship between the state political authorities and the Central Office of Control of the Press, Publications and Performances (later the Central Office of Control of Publications and Performances). The author of this article considers the strength of the controlling influence of the authorities on censorship, reaching the conclusion that the impact of the communist party and state on censors' decisions was smaller than has generally been thought. The author believes that the censors had a certain degree of independence. This was the result of, among others insufficient personnel and organizational connections between the party and censorship, and faulty provisions regarding the regulation of censorship. Therefore, although censorship was an integral part of a totalitarian state, it probably did not always support its decisions, despite the party's strenuous efforts to make it so. Partly because of this, many publications have appeared in Poland that would not see the light of day in other countries, so-called communist block. ; Badacze cenzury w Polsce Ludowej wielokrotnie analizowali relacje zachodzące pomiędzy organami cenzury a twórcami i wydawcami, rzadziej natomiast powiązania władz polityczno-państwowych z Głównym Urzędem Kontroli Prasy, Publikacji i Widowisk (później Głównym Urzędem Kontroli Publikacji i Widowisk). Autor artykułu zastanawia się nad siłą kontrolnego oddziaływania władzy na cenzurę, dochodząc do wniosku, że wpływ partii komunistycznej i państwa na decyzje cenzury mógł być mniejszy niż zwykło się uważać. Jego zdaniem cenzura była w pewnym stopniu niezależna. Stanowiło to rezultat m.in. niedostatecznych powiązań kadrowo-organizacyjnych pomiędzy partią a cenzurą oraz wadliwych przepisów prawnych regulujących działalność cenzury. Dlatego, pomimo że cenzura była integralną częścią totalitarnego państwa, prawdopodobnie nie zawsze jej decyzje wspierały to państwo, mimo usilnych starań partii, aby tak było. M.in. dzięki temu, w Polsce ukazało się wiele publikacji, które nie ujrzałyby światła dziennego w innych krajach tzw. demokracji ludowej.

Researchers into censorship in communist Poland have often analysed the relations existing between the censorship authorities and creatorsor publishers, but have more rarely examined the relationship between the state political authorities and the Central Office of Control of the Press, Publications and Performances (later the Central Office of Control of Publications and Performances). The author of this article considers the strength of the controlling influence of the authorities on censorship, reaching the conclusion that the impact of the communist party and state on censors' decisions was smaller than has generally been thought. The author believes that the censors had a certain degree of independence. This was the result of, among others insufficient personnel and organizational connections between the party and censorship, and faulty provisions regarding the regulation of censorship. Therefore, although censorship was an integral part of a totalitarian state, it probably did not always support its decisions, despite the party's strenuous efforts to make it so. Partly because of this, many publications have appeared in Poland that would not see the light of day in other countries, so-called communist block. ; Badacze cenzury w Polsce Ludowej wielokrotnie analizowali relacje zachodzące pomiędzy organami cenzury a twórcami i wydawcami, rzadziej natomiast powiązania władz polityczno-państwowych z Głównym Urzędem Kontroli Prasy, Publikacji i Widowisk (później Głównym Urzędem Kontroli Publikacji i Widowisk). Autor artykułu zastanawia się nad siłą kontrolnego oddziaływania władzy na cenzurę, dochodząc do wniosku, że wpływ partii komunistycznej i państwa na decyzje cenzury mógł być mniejszy niż zwykło się uważać. Jego zdaniem cenzura była w pewnym stopniu niezależna. Stanowiło to rezultat m.in. niedostatecznych powiązań kadrowo-organizacyjnych pomiędzy partią a cenzurą oraz wadliwych przepisów prawnych regulujących działalność cenzury. Dlatego, pomimo że cenzura była integralną częścią totalitarnego państwa, prawdopodobnie nie zawsze jej decyzje wspierały to państwo, mimo usilnych starań partii, aby tak było. M.in. dzięki temu, w Polsce ukazało się wiele publikacji, które nie ujrzałyby światła dziennego w innych krajach tzw. demokracji ludowej.

The author of the article puts forward a thesis that the period in the international relations that came after the Cold War has already been completed and we are now in another one, to which he gives the name of the Post-Lisbon order. So far, in the discourse on the international relations it is called the post-Cold War order, without a clear distinction of its timeframe. The author, who presents a theoretical introduction of the definition of the international order which he perceives as a way of determining the relationship between international actors, who also presents the most important provisions of the Treaty of Lisbon and the New NATO Strategic Concept (adopted in Lisbon), called the new period a post-Lisbon order. By analyzing the presented problems the article constitutes an attempt to prove the thesis which was put forward at the beginning. ; Autor w artykule stawia tezę, że okres w stosunkach międzynarodowych, który nastąpił po zimnej wojnie został już zakończony i obecnie znajdujemy się w kolejnym, któremu nadaje nazwę okresu postlizbońskiego. Dotychczas w dyskursie nad stosunkami międzynarodowymi jest on nazywany pozimnowojennym, bez wyraźnego wyznaczenia jego ram czasowych. Autor poprzez teoretyczne wprowadzenie o ładzie międzynarodowym, jako sposobie określania relacji między podmiotami międzynarodowymi oraz przedstawienie najważniejszych postanowień Traktatu z Lizbony oraz Nowej Koncepcji Strategicznej NATO (przyjętej w Lizbonie) stawia tezę, że nowy okres należy określać mianem ładu postlizbońskiego. Celem artykułu jest zbadanie prawdziwości tego założenia. Artykuł, dzięki analizie przedstawionych zagadnień stanowi próbę udowodnienia postawionej na początku tezy.

W artykule przedstawione są rezolucje Rady Bezpieczeństwa ONZ z 2015 roku. Pierwsza część zawiera wprowadzenie teoretyczne do zagadnienia rezolucji, wyjaśnienie najważniejszych pojęć oraz roli rezolucji w prawie międzynarodowym. Następnie autor omawia wybrane rezolucje, wyjaśnia ich najważniejsze elementy oraz stara się odpowiedzieć na pytanie o skuteczność i aktualność działań Rady Bezpieczeństwa w odniesieniu do bezpieczeństwa międzynarodowego. W podsumowaniu przybliżone zostają działania Rady wobec nowych problemów zagrażających stabilności na świecie. ; The articleis a presentation of resolution of UN Security Council in 2015. The first part is a theoretical introduction to the problem of resolution, an explanation of key concepts and the role of resolution in international law. The author discusses selected resolutions, explains their key elements and seeks to answer to aquestion of the effectiveness and relevance of the activities of the Security Council to international security in the world. The articleis a summary of the activities of the Council to the new problems that threaten world stability.

The author analyses "The Merchant of Venice" by William Shakespeare, to highlight the transformation of the Christian body and the Jewish soul during the early stages of capitalism. He reveals that the Venice described by Shakespeare is a world without measure, in which money is the only value. People are objects of financial speculation and all of humanity is treated as a commodity, an exchange value. When Bassanio praises the advantages of Portia, he first mentions her ducats (dowry), and only after that does he allude to her beauty and virtues of mind. The capitalism that is being formed in the eyes of the viewers mocks significant cultural, ethnic and religious differences. It buries them in heaps of money and then blurs them, forcing a new concept of man, whose existence differs little from plants and animals growing freely. In such a world, a game is the only strategy that allows for survival. In Venice, everyone pretends, wears a mask and lives in hypocrisy. This behaviour is typical of the "carnival" atmosphere. Masks separate people from themselves, covering up their tracks and blurring identities. By wearing them, they can hide behind "someone else".

IntroductionHIV‐1 near full‐length genome (HIV‐NFLG) sequencing from plasma is an attractive multidimensional tool to apply in large‐scale population‐based molecular epidemiological studies. It also enables genotypic resistance testing (GRT) for all drug target sites allowing effective intervention strategies for control and prevention in high‐risk population groups. Thus, the main objective of this study was to develop a simplified subtype‐independent, cost‐ and labour‐efficient HIV‐NFLG protocol that can be used in clinical management as well as in molecular epidemiological studies.MethodsPlasma samples (n=30) were obtained from HIV‐1B (n=10), HIV‐1C (n=10), CRF01_AE (n=5) and CRF01_AG (n=5) infected individuals with minimum viral load >1120 copies/ml. The amplification was performed with two large amplicons of 5.5 kb and 3.7 kb, sequenced with 17 primers to obtain HIV‐NFLG. GRT was validated against ViroSeq™ HIV‐1 Genotyping System.ResultsAfter excluding four plasma samples with low‐quality RNA, a total of 26 samples were attempted. Among them, NFLG was obtained from 24 (92%) samples with the lowest viral load being 3000 copies/ml. High (>99%) concordance was observed between HIV‐NFLG and ViroSeq™ when determining the drug resistance mutations (DRMs). The N384I connection mutation was additionally detected by NFLG in two samples.ConclusionsOur high efficiency subtype‐independent HIV‐NFLG is a simple and promising approach to be used in large‐scale molecular epidemiological studies. It will facilitate the understanding of the HIV‐1 pandemic population dynamics and outline effective intervention strategies. Furthermore, it can potentially be applicable in clinical management of drug resistance by evaluating DRMs against all available antiretrovirals in a single assay.

IntroductionThe role of microbial translocation (MT) in HIV patients living with HIV from low‐ and middle‐income countries (LMICs) is not fully known. The aim of this study is to investigate and compare the patterns of MT in patients from Vietnam, Ethiopia and Sweden.MethodsCross‐sectional samples were obtained from treatment‐naïve patients living with HIV‐1 and healthy controls from Vietnam (n=83; n=46), Ethiopia (n=9492; n=50) and Sweden (n=51; n=19). Longitudinal samples were obtained from a subset of the Vietnamese (n=24) in whom antiretroviral therapy (ART) and tuberculostatics were given. Plasma lipopolysaccharide (LPS), sCD14 and anti‐flagellin IgG were determined by the endpoint chromogenic Limulus Amebocyte Assay and enzyme‐linked immunosorbent assay.ResultsAll three biomarkers were significantly increased in patients living with HIV‐1 from all countries as compared to controls. No differences were found between males and females. Vietnamese and Ethiopian patients had significantly higher levels of anti‐flagellin IgG and LPS, as compared to Swedes. ART reduced these levels for the Vietnamese. Vietnamese patients given tuberculostatics at initiation of ART had significantly lower levels of anti‐flagellin IgG and higher sCD14. The biomarkers were lower in Vietnamese who did not develop opportunistic infection.ConclusionsHigher MT is common in patients living with HIV compared to healthy individuals, and in patients from LMICs compared to patients from a high‐income country. Treatment with tuberculostatics decreased MT while higher levels of MT are associated with a poorer clinical outcome.