Suchergebnisse

Nigeria's high level of ethnic diversity can explain the country's ethnic based conflicts. Scholars have focused attention on explaining these inter-ethnic conflicts using political and linguistic differences as well as patterns of segregation as factors behind the conflicts. However, sub-ethnic identity conflicts are becoming increasingly common in Nigeria today. While such conflicts hardly attract academic attention relative to inter-ethnic conflict, they are capable of yielding theoretical insights into identity formation, ethnic transformation and the questions that border on citizenship. This study, therefore, analyzes the conflict between Ezza and Ezillo in Ebonyi State. It assesses the role of material interest and deep-seated animosity in the conflict between the two communities in a homogenous setting. It argues that the conflicts emanate from the interface between material interest and animosity. Our analysis indicates that the effects are deep-rooted and widespread. The study made use of documents and interviews as its method of data collection. It concludes that political factors, linguistic differences and patterns of ethnic segregation are found to be poor predictors of sub-ethnic identity conflict. It finally proffers a-people-oriented approach to conflict resolution. DOI:10.5901/mjss.2014.v5n2p681

Nigeria has witnessed sustained and often co-ordinated attacks on innocent lives, valuable properties, government institutions, etc. by the Boko Haram sect since 2009. The iconoclastic and subversive activities of the sect has led to the deployment of the special Joint Task Force (JTF) comprising the military, police and intelligence personnel by the Nigerian government. Chapter Four of the 1999 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, other laws established under it and several binding international human rights treaties clearly delineate the fundamental rights of the citizens. Ironically, these rights have come under severe abuse by members of the JTF drafted to restore public order in the terror-riddled states in northern Nigeria. This paper, therefore, analyzes the grossly under-reported role of the JTF, whose counter-insurgence operation in the preservation of national security largely contravenes the fundamental human rights of the citizens. Utilizing the Marxist theory of the state, the paper establishes that the counter-insurgence operation of the JTF is implicated in the wanton abuse of human rights in northern Nigeria. It concludes that the incidence of human rights violation in the region can only be eradicated through sustained rights advocacy and good governance. DOI:10.5901/jesr.2014.v4n5p67

This paper examines the phenomenon of crime–terror nexus from the standpoint of the linkage between banditry and Boko Haram insurgency in Northern Nigeria. Using a descriptive analysis predicated on a combination of primary and secondary studies, the paper reveals that both groups have functionally adapted each other's structures and strategies. While Boko Haram and its splinter groups have occasionally engaged in acts of banditry, there has been mutual co-option by both groups as the exigencies of their operations demand. Nigeria's drive at mitigating the banditry-terrorism conundrum must proceed with a pragmatic understanding of the gamut and dynamics of their situational nexuses.

This paper examines the phenomenon of crime–terror nexus from the standpoint of the linkage between banditry and Boko Haram insurgency in Northern Nigeria. Using a descriptive analysis predicated on a combination of primary and secondary studies, the paper reveals that both groups have functionally adapted each other's structures and strategies. While Boko Haram and its splinter groups have occasionally engaged in acts of banditry, there has been mutual co-option by both groups as the exigencies of their operations demand. Nigeria's drive at mitigating the banditry-terrorism conundrum must proceed with a pragmatic understanding of the gamut and dynamics of their situational nexuses.

AbstractThe emergence of politicians with overwhelming financial muscle in Nigeria since 1990s has complicated the relationship between money and politics in the country. This has been intensified by lack of clear legislation on how political parties should seek funding for their campaigns. Although effective supervision of political parties' finance is critical to the survival and consolidation of any democracy, the relevant electoral laws in Nigeria have not been effectively enforced. This is evident in the unbridled deployment of financial and other material resources by moneyed politicians and corporations during party campaign fundraising and electioneering. Among other things, this paper investigated the interface between the electoral laws and monitoring of campaign financing during the 2015 Presidential Election in Nigeria. The study is a documentary research and data were analyzed using a qualitative descriptive method. Utilizing the Marxist theory of the post-colonial state, the paper established that the electoral laws are generally couched ambiguously by politicians with vested interests in order to weaken the enforcement capacity of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), as well as facilitate the advancement of the electoral interests of the 'political entrepreneurs'. Thus, the unbundling of the Commission is recommended as a sine qua non for effective monitoring and supervision of political parties in the country.

The study was an attempt aimed at understanding the relationship between the United States national interests in Nigeria and the fight against Boko Haram terrorism. It raised the pertinent question of why the United States is involved in the fight against Boko Haram terrorism. Using a qualitative approach, the study discovered that the United States national interests remain largely unchanged and its averred condemnation of foreign terrorism incontestable, and therefore, responsible for its involvement in the fight against Boko Haram terrorism. However, since the designation of the group as Foreign Terrorist Organization (FTO) by the United States, its members appear more determined, ferocious and coordinated in their attacks against the Nigerian state. To this end, the work recommended that the global community should see the fight against Boko Haram scourge from the prism of international terrorism and thereby contribute immensely to arrest it. DOI:10.5901/mjss.2016.v7n3s1p478

The past two decades that coincide with the return of civil rule in most African countries have witnessed the reinforcement of ethnic nationalism and separatist agitations. While scholarly attention has focused on ethnicity to explain the revival of ethnic nationalism, how ethnic and class discourses conflate in the pursuit of ethnic nationalism remains understudied. Using a qualitative-dominant approach, this article interrogates how the Igbo petty bourgeoisie use ethnicity to mask the underlying differences in their material conditions in relation to the alienated masses. It also examines how these differences shape post-war Igbo nationalism. In the main, this article argues that the intersection of ethnic and class discourses is underpinned by unequal distribution of rights and powers accruing from productive resources. This unequal distribution of rights and powers results in differential material well-being and gives rise to conflicts between the dominant and subordinate classes. This explains the divergent approaches of the different factions of Igbo petty bourgeoisie to Igbo nationalism in Nigeria. The article concludes that understanding the political economy of the intersection of ethnic and class discourses is relevant for resolving the nationality question and the Biafra secessionist agitations in Nigeria and others across Africa.

Globalisation has promoted the connections among sovereign states in the international political economy. Despite the preponderance of neo-protectionist tendencies in the United States and some European countries, the import of regionalism in global political economy has not waned. While economic regionalism was adopted in the advanced capitalist formations as a logical consequence of and/or the instrument for the universalisation of capitalism, the emergence and/or revival of regional groupings like the African Union (AU) and the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) was a reactionary outcome of the twin problems of colonialism and globalisation. Specifically, West African states reached out to one another in order to mitigate the negative effects of globalisation and advance their common interest through economic integration. This study interrogates the relevance of ECOWAS in the international political economy within the global resurgence of protectionism. Although ECOWAS is impaired by multifarious political and socioeconomic challenges, this study demonstrates that its achievements in free movement of goods and persons, promotion of peace, security, good governance, and democratisation make it remain relevant in the global political economy.

Two waves of mass protests were remarkable across West Africa in the first two decades of the 21st century. Drawing from the experiences of Burkina Faso and Nigeria, this study situates these mass protests within the temporal theory of social movements and argues that the focus of the protests in each wave shifted from protests against specific neoliberal economic reforms to discontent with governance institutions. However, the underlying driver of the mass protests remained the deteriorating condition of the underclass. The study explains the recurring character of mass protests and why they will remain everyday experiences across West Africa.

AbstractThe use of hate speech for political mobilisation and its overall impact on democratisation have generated debate and controversy in both post-colonial formations and more advanced democracies. This is because hate speech tends to promote hatred between different ethnic groups. In Nigeria, it is usually deployed in the build up to elections. Using mixed methods approach, this study interrogates the consequences of hate speech as a political campaign strategy on electioneering and democratisation in Nigeria. The study argues that the use of hate speech in political campaign entrenches hatred and discriminatory voting pattern among citizens. It grossly affects democratisation, the quality of party programmes and candidates chosen by voters. Despite its appeal to extreme right populism based on ethnic voting and other forms of exclusionary politics, the use of hate speech as a political campaign strategy neither promotes the principles of majoritarian democracy nor protects minority rights.

While previous studies have interrogated the motivations of Boko Haram and the role of security agencies in counterinsurgency, explanations of the escalation of Boko Haram attacks on Nigerian security agencies have received limited academic attention. This study re-examines the dynamics of counterinsurgency operations in Nigeria within the context of the fragile state thesis. It argues that fragility of relevant state institutions has compromised the military-led counterinsurgency operations by flipping out strategic intelligence to the terrorists, embezzlement of arms procurement funds, sabotage and deplorable welfare condition of combatants, among others. Thus, the relevant state institutions should be strengthened to proactively respond to the maladies bedeviling the military-led counterinsurgency operations in the North-East region.