Suchergebnisse

Between 1935 and 1979 the importation and sale of contraception and the publication of information about birth control was illegal in Ireland. Political discourse on the issue was grounded in religious doctrine and the issue was virtually invisible in terms of media content. But in the 1960s as the state embraced free trade and introduced free second level education, the nature of the women's pages of the national newspapers changed. Amid the international rise of feminism, the pages moved away from an exclusive focus on domestic-related concerns to make visible the demand for bodily autonomy and the legalisation of contraception. Such a change not only had the effect of making these long ignored issues visible in public debate, it also helped to frame those issues as a political rather than a moral issue. Such an approach incurred the wrath of those who viewed contraception as a moral evil and saw those who advocated its legalisation as a threat to the existing order. This article assesses the media invisibility of the issue in the early decades of the Irish state, examines the changing nature of the women's pages in the 1960s, and assesses their contribution to the development of public discussion of birth control and its legalisation in 1979.

The relationships between the constituent nations of Great Britain and Ireland have complex histories. One key element of these relationships has been the longstanding connections between the press cultures of both islands which often manifested itself in the ease with which journalists migrated between capital cities and secured employment in their new homeland. The intricate web of connections within the press industry linking Ireland, England, Scotland and Wales at the turn of the nineteenth century was, unsurprisingly, a by-product of the political union of the four countries that was buttressed by the rise of the Irish Parliamentary Party as a potent political force from the 1880s onwards and the development of its associated press presence in Ireland and Britain.

The Spanish civil war was a conflict that acted as a touchstone for the divisions within Irish society. As a newly-independent state that was 93 per cent Catholic, reporting a conflict that involved, on the one hand, an armed rebellion against a democratically elected government, and on the other, the killing of clergy and the burning of churches, proved divisive. The decisions by Ireland's three national newspaper titles to send correspondents to Spain only further polarized opinion as their reportage reinforced divergent opinions on the origins and meaning of the conflict. The examination, through digital archives, of the activities of these correspondents sheds new light on the experiences of war correspondents in this conflict and on the 'newspaper war' that sought to influence public and political opinion on it. Similarly, the reactions to these reports give an insight into how divisive the conflict was within a state seeking to bed down its own democratic institutions.

The Spanish civil war was a conflict that acted as a touchstone for the divisions within Irish society. As a newly-independent state that was 93% Catholic, reporting a conflict that involved, on the one hand, an armed rebellion against a democratically elected government, and on the other, the killing of clergy and the burning of churches, proved divisive.1 The decisions by Ireland's three national newspaper titles to send correspondents to Spain only further polarised opinion as their reportage reinforced divergent opinions on the origins and meaning of the conflict. The examination, through digital archives, of the activities of these correspondents sheds new light on the experiences of war correspondents in this conflict and on the 'newspaper war' that sought to influence public and political opinion on it. Similarly, the reactions to these reports give an insight into how divisive the conflict was within a state seeking to bed down its own democratic institutions.

This article examines one of the first attempts by Irish journalists to establish a professional representative organisation. Established in near-tandem and in response to the establishment of the National Association of Journalists of Great Britain in 1884, the Association of Irish Journalists presents a unique insight into early attempts at professionalism by Irish journalists that were ultimately thwarted by the bitter divisions that, amid demands for home rule and a violent campaign for tenant rights, characterised Irish politics and journalism in the late nineteenth century. While no records of the association survive, this article utilises digital newspaper archives to shed light on journalistic practice, solidarity and division amid early attempts at professional organisation among journalists in late nineteenth century Ireland.

While the participation of Irishmen in the Great War has prompted much scholarship, the commemoration of their involvement – and in particular how Irish journalism reported and interpreted such commemorations – has been less examined. This article argues that the journalism surrounding the annual Armistice Day commemoration was a central factor in the battle for power in independent Ireland. It finds that the annual commemoration played a major part in the identity politics of the Irish Free State and that this was greatly intensified by journalistic argument about the motives of those who had fought in the Great War, what that war meant in relation to the freedom of small nations, and how best to commemorate those who had died. It also finds that while such journalistic argument helped engender an air of stigma about Irish involvement in the Great War, later journalistic arguments played a key role in removing that stigma.

This article examines the experience of the VCS within the context of the Liverpool Children's Fund. Its aim is to use a local case study to measure the reality of the Government's promises to the sector in a series of legislative and policy enactments in recent years. It argues that the gap between Government policy rhetoric and the promises made, and the real experience of VSCOs working in children's services in Liverpool, is still very great indeed. It further argues that the real legacy of the Children's Fund will not be that of local relevance, 'bottom- up' working and community participation but rather one of 'sectoral realignment' as selected VCSOs become increasingly locked in to mainstreamed service structures and processes with statutory agencies and as others are left behind and effectively 'locked-out' of this mainstreaming agenda.

A review essay on a book by Jeffrey Harrod & Robert O'Brien [Eds], Global Unions? Theory and Strategies of Organised Labour in the Global Political Economy (London: Routledge, 2002). Adapted from the source document.