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Labour internationalism is often viewed as impossible or inevitable, depending upon political perspective. O'Brien argues for a more nuanced, diverse understanding of labour internationalism, identifying six different 'faces', shaped by the national or global orientation of particular groups in the fields of production, regulation and ideas. Providing a general view of labour's global activity and a case study of the Southern Initiative on Globalisation and Trade Union Rights (SIGTUR), the book illustrates how the productive and regulatory structures of the global economy are pushing labour internationalism in particular directions. It details how leftist unions in Argentina, Australia, Brazil, India, the Philippines, South Africa, and South Korea have tried to bridge their differences and launch collective actions. Drawing upon twenty years of participant observation, O'Brien reveals a specific Global South approach based upon anti-imperialism, anti-capitalism and empathetic internationalism.

Debates about social cohesion reflect the unease of contemporary society as we face growing inequality and economic restructuring. Solidarity First examines the concept and practice of social cohesion from the perspective of its impact on, and significance for, workers. Contributors examine the functioning of social cohesion at multiple levels. Standard approaches are challenged by highlighting the experiences of women and non-Canadians. Attempts to construct corporate forms of cohesion and community efforts to forge cohesion via the new cultural economy are investigated, while.the relationship between cohesion in Canada and the international environment is examined by considering the international activity of Canadian civic actors, the failure of Canada to live up to international labour obligations, and the implications of International Labour Organization reforms for informal sector workers. Solidarity First concludes by arguing that reinvigorated worker solidarity is a prerequisite to moving toward a more worker-friendly form of social cohesion

China is in the late stages of developing a Central Bank Digital Currency (CBDC), which is essentially a digital, sovereign currency lacking convertibility to physical cash. This initiative is a significant innovation in currency systems, not yet implemented by any other country. China will face unique challenges in its CBDC project. As a first mover in this space, Chinese leaders are no longer able to study the successes and failures of other nations who have previously attempted to launch a CBDC. Yet, Beijing leadership may draw on experiences from its own prior reforms and governance challenges. This article will highlight three governance principles, developed through the reforms of the twentieth and twenty-first centuries, that will give Beijing a unique advantage as a first mover in the CBDC race: (1) dual-track transition systems, (2) regional experimentation, and (3) rapid construction of regulatory systems. This paper hopes to show how China is taking a distinct approach to the initiative compared to competing states, an approach that is engrained in China's governance experience since the late 1970s. In conclusion, I argue that China's recent experience in a variety of transformation initiatives provides its leadership and institutions unique principles that will advantage China's CBDC project, especially when compared to competitors working to establish their own CBDC such as the United States and European Union.

In an era where internationalism is on the retreat in the Western world, a modified version of Rosa Luxemburg's thinking about internationalism can serve as a useful guide for those concerned about relations between peoples in different countries. Luxemburg contributes to existing internationalist, cosmopolitan and transnational approaches by offering a unique set of answers to questions about the appropriate ethics, political project and tools to be adopted. Her ethical stance of the universal worth of all people was informed both by a deep sense of empathy and her theoretical analysis of capitalism. She believed that citizens had a duty to hold their governments accountable for foreign policy and that the world formed a single system and community. The political project was one of radical transformation and equality. European nations faced the option of transforming into more egalitarian and peaceful societies or descending into barbarism. Central to this transformation was a constant struggle against militarism and imperialism. Key tools for transformation included mass mobilisation, vibrant democratic debate and revolutionary reform of the political system. Problematic aspects of Luxemburg's internationalism that require revision include her insensitivity to the importance of national identity and Eurocentrism.

Twenty years ago, the People's Republic of China was East Asia's largest oil exporter. Today, it is the world's second largest importer. Beginning in 1993, China became a net importer of oil, a status that is not likely to change in the foreseeable future, with analysts positing that "oil will be the only primary fuel capable of fulfilling China's growing needs in both transportation and industry." As China's economy surges forward, growing by double-digits the past several years, the nation's dependence on oil and, consequently, its demand for the energy resource has grown exponentially. With the country transitioning away from the use of coal, daily oil consumption doubled over the course of the last ten years. In the future, experts expect demand for the good to continue growing, predicting an increase of 130 percent by 2025. Such an increase comes on top of an already substantial demand for the good, one that is equal to 40 percent of the world's total.

The activity of workers' organizations and labour issues is once again on the international relations agenda in fields ranging from labour standards at the WTO, to the terms of regional integration, to corporate codes of conduct, to civil society coalition building. This article argues that the role of the international union movement is transforming from a supporter of US capitalism to a brake on neoliberal industrial relations, to potentially advocating a different form of political economy in alliance with other groups. This transformation has taken place partially because unions have has been expelled from the corridors of power in key states and partially because of their encounter with a series of social movements. The cases of the ICFTU's activity in engaging international organizations and MNCs are used as examples to illustrate this trend. The implications for activity in, and the theory of, the global political economy are potentially significant.

Argues that the international labor movement is transforming from a supporter of US capitalism into a brake on neoliberal industrial relations; looks at alliance of the international labor movement with other groups, such as the women's movement, to advocate a different political economy. Highlights role of World Trade Organization (WTO), International Confederation of Free Trade Unions (ICFTU), International Labour Organization (ILO), International Monetary Fund (IMF), American Federation of Labor and Congress of Industrial Organization (AFL-CIO), among others.

A review essay on books by (1) Ronaldo Munck & Peter Waterman, Labour Worldwide in the Era of Globalization: Alternative Union Models in the New World Order (Basingstoke: Macmillan, 1999); (2) Peter Waterman, Globalization, Social Movements and the New Internationalisms (London: Mansell, 1998); (3) Jo-Ann Mort (Ed), Not Your Father's Union Movement: Inside the AFL-CIO (London: Verso, 1998); (4) Kim Moody, Workers in a Lean World: Unions in the International Economy (London: Verso, 1997) (5) Andrew Ross (Ed), No Sweat: Fashion, Free Trade and the Rights of Garment Workers (London: Verso, 1997); & (6) Eric Lee, The Labour Movement and the Internet: The New Internationalism (London: Pluto, 1997). These texts examine the implications of developments in labor studies for the field of international political economy. Waterman's use of feminist & globalization research in addressing the problems concerning the organization of labor in the globalizing world is discussed. Moody adopts a conventional socialist approach to the issue of global inequity & strongly supports the creation of a bottom-up labor union movement. Munck & Waterman's collection of essays is welcomed for covering labor issues in different parts of the world. Ross's collection of articles illustrates the connection between labor unions & consumer & human rights organizations, & Mort's collection of essays discusses new strategies used in US labor union campaigns. Lee's text is praised for investigating the role of the Internet in creating an international labor movement. It is suggested that labor movements have become important international actors in the post-Cold War era, & labor groups have gained increased authority in national politics; nevertheless, several divisions have emerged within the global labor movement, especially on issues of gender, ethnicity, & the North-South divide. 11 References. J. W. Parker