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An association with mothering is viewed as the greatest stumbling block in the path to raising the quality and status of childminding. As a broadly conceived rite de passage, this article suggests, professionalisation offers childminders a symbolic route out. It is a ritual process which demands the production of 'fabrications'; particular artefacts, special words and appropriate modes of behaviour which are produced specifically to meet the regulatory gaze. When childminders engage in performative professionalism, it is proposed, they gain recognition as bona fide members of the children's workforce, but their work is changed in ways which make it less meaningful for them. Presenting a phenomenology of their encounter with a widely diffused 'technology of quality', the paper reveals how childminders' collective identity is both endangered and engendered in struggles over particular cultural forms. Interpreting data gathered through ethnographic fieldwork with childminders in inner London, the article draws on and extends work focused on audit culture and performativity in secondary schools by synthesising it with feminist work on women's knowledge and the ethics of care.

Food is fundamental to health and social participation, yet food poverty has increased in the global North. Adopting a realist ontology and taking a comparative case approach, Families and Food in Hard Times addresses the global problem of economic retrenchment and how those most affected are those with the least resources. Based on research carried out with low-income families with children aged 11-15, this timely book examines food poverty in the UK, Portugal and Norway in the decade following the 2008 financial crisis. It examines the resources to which families have access in relation to public policies, local institutions and kinship and friendship networks, and how they intersect. Through 'thick description' of families' everyday lives, it explores the ways in which low income impacts upon practices of household food provisioning, the types of formal and informal support on which families draw to get by, the provision and role of school meals in children's lives, and the constraints upon families' social participation involving food. Providing extensive and intensive knowledge concerning the conditions and experiences of low-income parents as they endeavour to feed their families, as well as children's perspectives of food and eating in the context of low income, the book also draws on the European social science literature on food and families to shed light on the causes and consequences of food poverty in austerity Europe.

Is parental employment linked to children's diets? The survey evidence -- Who does the foodwork in working families? -- When do working families eat togehter? Families, meals and mealtimes -- How much power do children wield over what they eat? -- How does children's food play out across the different spaces of their lives? -- Changing families, changing food: how do children's diets change over time?

The paper draws on findings from a study called 'Families and Food in Hard Times', which is examining food poverty among children and families in three European countries. In the UK, qualitative interviews were carried out with 45 11–15 year olds and their parents or carers. Young people's narratives reveal food poverty as a multi‐dimensional experience, including hunger, poor quality food and social exclusion. Analysis suggests a limited degree of sharing of food between young people and how they contribute to the family's management of food practices in constrained circumstances. Generally young people contest the dominant discourses which blame food poverty on individuals and families.

In diesem Beitrag beschäftigen wir uns mit den Charakteristika von Blogs als einer Spielart digitaler Narrative und mit der Frage, was wir aus ihnen über persönliche Erzählungen von Mutterschaft, Familie, Ernährung und die Verfügbarkeit von Ressourcen lernen können. Wir untersuchten hierzu die Posts in zwei Blogs über insgesamt sechs Monate, die von Müttern im Kontext beschränkter ökonomischer, sozio-emotionaler, zeitlicher und ökologischer Knappheit verfasst wurden, auf die Stützung oder Überschreitung normativer Narrative. In diesem Beitrag konzentrieren wir uns darauf, wie auf den "About Me"-Seiten dieser Blogs geschriebene und visuelle Narrative, semantische Vieldeutigkeit und Widersprüchlichkeit, Stile und Plattform überschreitende Genres sowohl normative als auch transgressive Erzählungen über Mutterschaft und Familie, die eigene Involviertheit der Bloggerinnen und die Verfügbarkeit von Ressourcen verdeutlicht werden. Abschließend diskutieren wir Grenzen unserer Studie bzw. wie und in welchem Ausmaß die Blogs, die wir betrachtet haben, Hinweise auf politische Positionierung und politisches Handeln geben.URN: http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:0114-fqs170178 ; We consider the characteristics of one form of digital narrative—the blog—and what they may offer to personal narratives about mothering, families, and food and other resources. We draw on narrative analysis of six months of posts from two blogs about feeding families, written by mothers in the context of constrained economic, time, socioemotional, and environmental resources, to make a second-order analysis of the features of blogs that operate to support or transgress normative narratives. We focus on how, on the "About Me" pages of these blogs, the relations between the written and visual narratives, and the semantic multiplicities and contradictions, the styles and the cross-platform genres of the written stories, generate both normative and transgressive narratives around mothering and family, the bloggers' own involvements with the blog, and ...

In diesem Beitrag beschäftigen wir uns mit den Charakteristika von Blogs als einer Spielart digitaler Narrative und mit der Frage, was wir aus ihnen über persönliche Erzählungen von Mutterschaft, Familie, Ernährung und die Verfügbarkeit von Ressourcen lernen können. Wir untersuchten hierzu die Posts in zwei Blogs über insgesamt sechs Monate, die von Müttern im Kontext beschränkter ökonomischer, sozio-emotionaler, zeitlicher und ökologischer Knappheit verfasst wurden, auf die Stützung oder Überschreitung normativer Narrative. In diesem Beitrag konzentrieren wir uns darauf, wie auf den "About Me"-Seiten dieser Blogs geschriebene und visuelle Narrative, semantische Vieldeutigkeit und Widersprüchlichkeit, Stile und Plattform überschreitende Genres sowohl normative als auch transgressive Erzählungen über Mutterschaft und Familie, die eigene Involviertheit der Bloggerinnen und die Verfügbarkeit von Ressourcen verdeutlicht werden. Abschließend diskutieren wir Grenzen unserer Studie bzw. wie und in welchem Ausmaß die Blogs, die wir betrachtet haben, Hinweise auf politische Positionierung und politisches Handeln geben.

By using examples from food and domestic life in England during 1950, this paper examines the use of narrative archival sources as a methodological alternative to researching everyday food practices by traditional research methods, such as interviewing. Through the analysis of three diaries written for the Mass Observation Archive, and the everyday food practices expressed in these diaries, we consider the benefits and challenges of using narrative archival diary data to gain insights into food and eating during times of austerity. Before presenting and discussing the cases, we outline some of the challenges of researching food practices as a result of the muted, moral and mundane aspects of such practices. We then describe the study on which this paper is based, including a discussion of our methods and the reasons for using diaries and selecting our cases. Following this, we set the scene for understanding food and eating in 1950s Britain, such as contextual background about rationing during the Second World War, government policy and propaganda of the time. In our analysis of the three diaries, we discuss some of the ways in which the data have enabled us to 'get at' and provide insights into habitual food practices.

Drawing on the findings of a qualitative study of 48 families with young children (aged 1.5–10 years), which investigated the influence of employment on children's diets, this article focuses on the place of childhood memories and intergenerational relations in the transmission of family food practices. The article highlights the temporal nature of family food practices. First, it examines the intergenerational transmission of food practices in relation to present time as mothers and grandmothers negotiate what and how children eat in their everyday lives. Second, it analyses the ways in which memories of childhood influence mothers' food practices in their current families, showing how present-day family food practices are embedded in the relations between parents, grandparents and children and in the experiences of food and eating from the past. The article thereby demonstrates the importance of the interplay between food, memories of childhood experiences and intergenerational familial relations.

This paper contributes to scholarship concerned with media representations of poverty by exploring newspaper coverage of food poverty as experienced by UK children and families. Our content analysis of six contrasting print newspapers from 2006–15 finds that reporting of children's and families' food poverty begins in 2011, peaks in 2014 and is dominated by articles about foodbanks. Narrative analysis identifies differences as well as similarities in the ways the problem is constructed in papers with different political stances as well as notable absences in the coverage, including the broader dimensions of food poverty and the views of children themselves.

IntroductionCardiovascular disease (CVD) is a significant cause of non‐AIDS‐related morbidity and mortality in HIV‐positive individuals [1]. Management of CVD and associated risk factors in HIV are complicated by drug interactions [2]. Optimal management can require specialist input. A previous cohort review highlighted CVD, comorbidity and cardiovascular (CV) risk in our patients [3]. In response, a combined HIV and cardiovascular monthly clinic was established: an HIV consultant works in real time with a cardiologist. The clinic manages CV disease, complex CV co‐morbidities e.g. refractory hypertension, hyperlipidaemia, and assesses primary prevention. A dietician works alongside the clinic.AimsDescribe the clinic caseload; record clinic interventions and outcomes; recommend service development.Materials and MethodsWe conducted a retrospective notes review of patients attending the co‐morbidity clinic from January 2012 to May 2014. Data collected: demographic, HIV, CVD, CV risk, investigations and clinical interventions.ResultsFrom a cohort of approximately 960 patients (70% African), 60 (6%) were seen in the co‐morbidity clinic over the specified time period. Median age was 53 (range 24‐80). Although 60% of our cohort is female, 43% (26/60) of the CVD clinic were female. 42 (70%) were African. The mean CD4 was 560 (range 48‐1339). All patients were on ART and 6 (10%) had a detectable viral load > 400 copies/mL. Clinic caseload: i) CVD: 9 had a prior CV event (ACS or CVA); 5 had CCF; new diagnoses included LVH (2), cardiac dysfunction (6); AF (2); atrial thrombus (1). ii) Co‐morbidities: 48(80%) had hypertension – 10 (16.6%) were on quadruple therapy; 17 (28%) had diabetes; 35 (58%) were on a statin. Three had their smoking status clearly documented. Seventeen (28%) were referred to the dietician. Investigations included echo, 24‐hour BP/ tape, CT angio, cardiac MR.ConclusionsThe joint clinic facilitated real‐time decision making on clinical interventions. Patient access to cardiac investigations was expedited. Patients attended fewer outpatient appointments. Both cardiology and HIV clinicians preferred the benefits of joint working. Clinical outcomes were difficult to assess and will need further definition. Recommendations for development include: improved CV risk assessment, improved outcome measures, links to smoking cessation services.

Not enough is known in the UK about how economic phenomena and policy changes have impacted families' ability to feed themselves. This article employs a novel way of identifying the types of UK families at risk of food poverty over time. Applying a relative deprivation approach, it asks what counts in the UK as a socially acceptable diet that meets needs for health and social participation and how much this costs. Comparing this to actual food expenditure by different family types, between 2005 and 2013, it identifies which are spending less than expected and may be at risk of food poverty. The analysis finds the proportion has increased over time for most family types and for lone parents and large families in particular. The discussion considers findings in light of changing economic and policy contexts and the implications for policy responses of how food poverty is defined and measured.

IntroductionIn the United Kingdom, rates of virological suppression on antiretroviral therapy (ART) are very high, but there remain a small but significant number of people on ART with detectable viraemia. The impact of socio‐economic factors on virological suppression has been little studied.Materials and MethodsWe used data from ASTRA, a cross‐sectional, questionnaire study of >3000 individuals from 8 clinics in the United Kingdom in 2011–2012, linked to clinical records to address this question. Included participants had received ART for >6 months with a recorded current viral load (VL) (latest at the time of questionnaire). Participants provided data on demographic factors: gender, sexual orientation, ethnicity and age; and socio‐economic factors: UK birth/English reading ability, employment, housing, education and financial hardship. To assess non‐adherence, participants were asked if in the past 3 months, they had missed ART for ≥2 days at a time. Virological suppression was defined as VL≤50 cps/mL. For each socio‐economic factor, we calculated prevalence ratios using modified Poisson regression, first adjusting for demographic factors, then also for non‐adherence.ResultsA total of 2445 people fulfilled the inclusion criteria (80% male, 69% MSM, median age: 46 years, median CD4 count: 556 cells/mm3); 10% (234/2445) had VL>50 cps/mL. After adjusting for demographic factors, non‐fluent English, not being employed, not home owning, education below university level and increasing financial hardship were each associated with higher prevalence of VL>50 cps/mL. Additional adjustment for non‐adherence largely attenuated each association, but did not fully explain them (see Table 1). After adjustment for non‐adherence and demographic factors, younger age was also associated with VL>50 cps/mL: for each additional 10 years an individual was 0.80 (95% CI 0.70–0.92) times as likely to have VL>50 cps/mL (p=0.0019). Adjusted prevalence ratios for VL>50cps/mL were 0.91 (0.62–1.34) for women and 1.25 (0.85–1.84) for non‐MSM men versus MSM, and 1.29 (0.92–1.80) for white versus non‐white people.ConclusionsAmong people on ART in the United Kingdom, the proportion with detectable VL is low. Poorer socio‐economic status is associated with increased probability of virological non‐suppression. It is likely that much of this association is mediated through difficulties in taking ART. Emphasis should be put on aiding the adherence of people in these higher risk groups.

Daily oral pre-exposure prophylaxis (PrEP) is a key tool in addressing high HIV incidence among young women, and breaking the cycle of transmission. From 2017 to 2020, Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF) offered PrEP, in conjunction with contraception and risk-reduction counselling, to women aged 18–25, in a government-run clinic in Khayelitsha, a low income high HIV prevalence area in South Africa. Drawing on clinical, quantitative, and qualitative interview data, we describe participants' experiences and engagement with the PrEP program, participant adherence (measured by TFV-DP levels in dried blood spots) over time, and the indirect benefits of the PrEP program. Of 224 screened and eligible participants, 164 (73.2%) initiated PrEP, with no large differences between those who initiated and those who did not. Overall, 47 (29%) completed 18 months follow-up, with 15 (9.1%) attending all visits. 76 (46.9%) participants were lost to follow-up, 15 (9.1%) exited when leaving the area, and 28.7% of exits happened in the first month of the study. We identified two different trajectories of PrEP adherence: 67% of participants had, on average, consistently low TFV-DP levels, with the remaining 33% having sustained high adherence. Few baseline characteristics predicted good adherence. The main reported barrier to taking PrEP was forgetting to take or travel with the pills. Encouragement from others declined as a reported facilitator from month 6 to 18 (family: 93.1% vs 77.6%, p = 0.016, friends: 77.6% vs 41.4%, p ≤ 0.001, partners: 62.1% vs 46.6%, p = 0.096, other PrEP users: 89.7% vs 74.1%, p = 0.020). Disclosure to friends and family in some cases opened dialogue around sex, and helped to educate others about PrEP. Self-reported sex with more than one partner, and sex without a condom, decreased significantly after enrolment (p < 0.001, p = 0.063). In the individual interviews, participants credited their PrEP experience with changing their behaviour. Recognising the challenges with, but overall benefits from a package ...