Suchergebnisse

We examine cognitive, economic, & partisan heuristic theories of why some people express support for reducing greenhouse gas emissions. Data come from a mail survey of 623 residents of central PA, a region in which mitigation costs exceed potential benefits from slowing the rate of global warming. Ordinary least squares analysis shows that people who can accurately identify the causes of climate change & who expect bad consequences from climate change are likely to support both government anti-fossil fuel initiatives & voluntary actions. Economic circumstances & anxieties are not important predictors, but the belief that environmental protection efforts do not threaten jobs for people like the respondent, limit personal freedoms, & hurt the economy is a strong predictor. Democrats are more likely than Republicans to support government efforts to reduce emissions. Cognitive explanations of support for reducing greenhouse gas emissions are more powerful than economic or partisan heuristic ones. People want to reduce emissions if they understand the causes of climate change; perceive substantial risks from climate change if average surface temperatures increase; & think climate change mitigation policies will not cost them their jobs. 2 Tables, 36 References. Adapted from the source document.

O'Connor reviews 'Brain Policy: How the New Neuroscience Will Change Our Lives and Our Politics' by Robert H. Blank.

Explores racial & interstate differences in Head Start enrollment, including the capability of socioeconomic, political, & racial factors to account for differences in state enrollment success, drawing on census data from the 1990 Public Use Microdata Sample. Independent variables include Rodney E. Hero & Caroline J. Tolbert's (1996) minority diversity measure. Head Start enrolls a much higher proportion of eligible blacks than eligible whites; however, state differences are enormous. For all children, rural states do better. Blacks do better in wealthier states & those with less minority diversity. For whites, minority diversity also is a powerful predictor of lower enrollment. The political variables do not help to account for Head Start enrollments. The minority diversity variable stands out as warranting attention in future research; for Head Start specifically, the appearance of favoritism for poor blacks over poor whites would seem to increase Head Start's political vulnerability in several states. 3 Tables, 20 References. Adapted from the source document.

The results of this analysis may be reduced to four inter-related findings. First, evident throughout the paper is the similarity of activists at all three schools. Cross-national similarities consistently predominate over differences. The same patterns of relationships are found everywhere. This fact, among other things, enhances the credibility of our findings.