Jesuits have shaped and been shaped by the history of the United States, from the colonial period through the contemporary era. Catherine O'Donnell explores the Society's evolving adaptation and resistance to American ideals, economic practices, and racial regimes. ; Readership: Undergraduate students studying Catholicism in the American colonies and United States or graduate students whose work touches on Catholicism and Jesuits therein, academic libraries.
Despite some historical divergence, political parties in the Republic of Ireland shared some key objectives in response to the Troubles. Most consistently, each of the main parties (Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael) sought to undermine support for the IRA in Northern Ireland and de-legitimise arguments by Sinn Féin and the IRA. Over the course of the peace process, such common priorities developed into a wider shared discourse on the principles for agreement in Northern Ireland. The parties in the Republic soon established a vocal consensus incorporating support for the Good Friday Agreement, Sinn Féin involvement in politics in Northern Ireland, reconciliation, and a pluralist republicanism. The emergence of this common discourse has been essential to the legitimacy and durability of the peace process.
This article will assess conflicting accounts of Charles Haughey's political record in relation to Northern Ireland. It is argued that his approach cannot be understood without reference to the changing influences affecting his position. While the importance of competition between Haughey and Garret FitzGerald and the factions within Fianna Fail have been acknowledged, the emergence of Sinn Fein in the early 1980s as an influencing factor has been overlooked. The article will outline the extent to which Sinn Fein conditioned the language used by Fianna Fail throughout the 1980s and will analyse, in particular, the importance for Fianna Fail of the 1988 talks with Sinn Fein. The article will also illustrate the significance of these talks for the Northern Ireland peace process itself and for the principles of consent and self-determination. Adapted from the source document.
In applying discourse analysis to the study of the conflict and peace process in Northern Ireland, this book offers a new and pertinent way to understand and examine three core subjects: conflict studies, Irish politics and applied discourse analysis. As a product of collaboration and intellectual engagement between scholars from a variety of disciplines, institutions, countries and even generations, it analyses the close, yet still mystifying, relationship between political discourse and conflict resolution.
In: Canada watch: practical and authoritative analysis of key national issues ; a publication of the York University Centre for Public Law and Public Policy and the Robarts Centre for Canadian Studies of York University
In: O'Callaghan , M & O'Donnell , C 2006 , ' The Northern Ireland Government, the Paisleyite Movement and Ulster Unionism in 1966 ' , Irish Political Studies , vol. 21 , no. 2 , pp. 203-222 . https://doi.org/10.1080/07907180600707607
This article presents original documentary material discovered at the Public Records Office, NorthernIreland, relating to the RUC's position in June 1966 on what was referred to as the 'Paisleyite Movement'. According to the documents that were sent by the RUC Inspector‐General to the Ministry of Home Affairs, the 'Paisleyite Movement' was an organisation made up of the Ulster Constitution Defence Committee, the Ulster Protestant Volunteer Division, the Ulster Volunteer Force, the Ulster Defence Corps, the Ulster Protestant Action Defence Committee and the militant Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF). We know that these documents were seen by the Prime Minister, Terence O'Neill, and the Minister of Home Affairs, Brian McConnell. These documents appear to have partly informed the cabinet decision to ban the UVF at the end of June 1966. The documents confirm the scale and significance of the threat presented by extremist Protestantism to the stability of the state in the eyes of the RUC and the government at that time and suggest that the starting date of 'the Troubles' in Northern Ireland should be back‐dated to 1966.
Many migrant groups, particularly those that are politically and economically marginalised, such as asylum seekers and refugees (ASRs), face inequities in access to health care as well as poorer physical and mental health outcomes. The role of post-arrival experiences in contributing to these inequities is increasingly being explored, and it is suggested that being a migrant is itself a determinant of health outcomes. Drawing on the theoretical concept of structural vulnerability, this paper explores ASRs' experiences of health, wellbeing, and health practices in the context of their lived realities in Scotland. 24 semi-structured interviews were conducted with ASRs from Sub-Saharan Africa between January and December 2015. Data were explored using thematic analysis. Experience of the UK asylum system, both alone and in conjunction with other sources of vulnerability including racism, poverty, and language barriers had a negative and ongoing impact on the physical and mental health of ASRs. These impacts continued, even once refugee status was obtained. Efforts to engage ASRs in preventive health programmes and practices must take into account the ways in which the asylum system acts as a determinant of health, affecting both what it means to be healthy and what capacity individuals have to engage with their health. Political choices in how the asylum process is enacted have far-reaching implications for individual and population health.
Domestic abuse policy increasingly uses language which indicates that abuse is patterned according to structural factors. However, practicing according to these structural accounts of abuse is problematic because of the policy and organisational contexts that practitioners work within and, we argue, because the implications of the structured nature of victims' experiences is not fully understood by all practitioners.We ask whether women's differential use and experiences of services with a remit to address abuse can be illuminated using two theoretical perspectives – 'candidacy' and intersectionality. We report the findings of a literature synthesis that investigates how these improve our understanding of women's help-seeking and service utilisation and of the responses that they receive. Both concepts were highly congruent with the literature and we conclude that, together, candidacy and intersectionality offer a means of enhancing knowledge of how the political becomes enacted in the personal. Embedding such knowledge within practice repertoires offers the potential to develop more nuanced structural understandings of women's experiences and constraints.
