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"The English poet William Blake provides one of the keenest allegorical descriptions of tyranny. Urizen embodies reason and law using architects' tools and nets to entrap society in webs of law and convention.1 Urizen believes himself holy and writes the law. The book of brass, brass being the metal of tyranny, forces peace through single rule.2 Urizen is also the creator of wrath and justice. Urizen binds people utilising law and convention to stultify imagination and rebellion. Orc, in contrast, embodies rebellion, revolution, passion and freedom, the very opposite of Urizen's tyrannical god. But the two are intertwined.3 Urizen uses law to enforce reason, peace and oppression which Orc rebels against with creativity and revolution, but Orc also demonstrates a potential to descend into tyranny if Urizen's tyrannical tools are not entirely discarded once he is overthrown. Blake's complicated mythology mirrors tyranny's complexity. Tyranny uses law and reason to establish that absolutism is necessary for peace. Tyrannicide recognises the necessity of rebellion, the false restraint of both rule by law and fear of anarchy, but, as such, tyrannicide is only legitimate if it does not replicate the tyranny it seeks to overthrow"--

Article 2 of the Ireland/Northern Ireland Protocol introduces a novel human rights approach into Northern Ireland's already unique constitutional settlement. Article 2 possesses two strands of rights. Its first set of rights links directly to the 1998 Belfast/Good Friday Agreement and includes a guarantee of non-diminution. The second set of rights listed in the Annex to the Protocol are subject to change and evolution. This chapter outlines the legal and political basis from which the Protocol's rights and equality provisions arose, it examines the drafting of Article 2 and considers its current status and operation as well as looking at its future impact and the broader implications for our understanding of scale, temporality and the interplays between substance and procedure in rights protection. The uniqueness of the Article 2 arrangements is likely to be subject to much scrutiny and litigation in the coming years.

AbstractThis article explores the role law plays in defining conflict and its consequences. Two elements of law's categorisations are critical; first law's cataloguing of activities fixing actions into particular classifications and second law's choosing of temporal points from which to analyse conflict, looking both forward and backward at events. The article uses two case studies to demonstrate these two features; Rwanda and Ukraine. Both examples, one historical the other contemporary, are replete with examples of law's categorisations of events and temporal points while demonstrating the tremendous impact that these choices have upon our understanding of how negotiations ought to proceed. This article does not call for a withdrawal of law from these situations but rather cognisance that heavy reliance on law can serve to mask both events and actors critical to successful negotiation and parties must bare this in mind when dealing with conflict.

AbstractFeminists and women activists use manifestos to express their frustrations with legal and political systems, expose the harms suffered in their lived experiences under patriarchy, colonialism and capitalism, and call for radical political, legal and social change. This special issue on feminist manifestos and global constitutionalism considers the role of feminist manifestos in global constitutionalism. It interrogates the role of feminist manifestos in bringing about legal and political reform, their role as historical texts and sources of global constitutionalization, and their limitations as tools that are potentially both exclusionary and de-political. In their article, Ruth Houghton and Aoife O'Donoghue outline a role for feminist manifestos within feminist approaches to constituent power. Sheri Labenski uncovers from the archives the Women's International League for Peace and Freedom manifesto from 1924 and the outline for a 'New International Order'. Gina Heathcote and Lucia Kula centre Lusophone African feminist action in Luanda, Angola, to problematize an approach to feminist manifestos that reiterates dominant feminisms, and instead argue for active silence by those more dominant feminist voices. In her conclusion to the special issue, Emily Jones uses posthuman feminism to interrogate and critique the claim of universality in global constitutionalism. Across this special issue, key themes emerge: the potential of inclusion and exclusion, and the role of manifesto as a method in knowledge production.

Women use a multiplicity of forms and methods to articulate harms and claim political spaces. Among these are manifestos.1Women's manifestos are concomitant with both political convulsion and the enduring, mundane inequalities faced by women; they play a key role in feminist attempts to achieve political and legal ends.2Manifestos are overtly political acts of legal/political performance; they are in dialogue with each other, with counter and anti-manifestos, and with the legal-political infrastructures they inhabit.3Manifestos seek to fracture traditional understanding and practices of law, often in the guise of claiming constituent power and political space.