Suchergebnisse

Intro -- Contents -- Preface -- Introduction -- Part I: Image -- 1. The Neoliberal Legitimation Crisis -- 2. The Iconoclastic Sublime -- Part II: Catastrophe -- 3. Zapruder -- 4. Challenger -- 5. 9/11 -- Part III: Economy -- 6. America's New Look -- 7. (Neo)Liberal Genealogies -- Conclusion -- Postscript and Acknowledgments -- Notes -- Bibliography -- Index.

The care of the self : Kennan, containment, and stoicism -- Protest and power : Dulles, massive retaliation, and evangelicalism -- Deeds undone : C.D. Jackson, liberation, and adventurism -- The American sublime : Eisenhower, deterrence, and romanticism

The sublime has been a categorical refuge in a number of important `postmodern' critical and theoretical projects, most of which are aimed at retrieving or inventing a more radical, liberating, or progressive politics. Using Kant's theory of the sublime, an übertheory for postmodern thought, this essay argues that the political sublime is self-defeating because it precludes differentiation, a sine qua non of politics. Furthermore, I argue that where the sublime takes on political purchase it slips into the beautiful — the `political sublime' is a form of the beautiful. The political sublime is a means of pronouncing the limits of one set of political practices and displacing them with another, purportedly stron ge r, politics. I make this argument through two distinct but interconnected approaches: (1) through a reading of theories of the political sublime in Jean-François Lyotard and Hayden White, and (2) through a reading of CNN's live US coverage of the 11 September 2001 attacks.

The sublime has been a categorical refuge in a number of important 'postmodern' critical & theoretical projects, most of which are aimed at retrieving or inventing a more radical, liberating, or progressive politics. Using Kant's theory of the sublime, an uber-theory for postmodern thought, this essay argues that the political sublime is self-defeating because it precludes differentiation, a sine qua non of politics. Furthermore, I argue that where the sublime takes on political purchase it slips into the beautiful -- the 'political sublime' is a form of the beautiful. The political sublime is a means of pronouncing the limits of one set of political practices & displacing them with another, purportedly stronger, politics. I make this argument through two distinct but interconnected approaches: (1) through a reading of theories of the political sublime in Jean-Francois Lyotard & Hayden White, & (2) through a reading of CNN's live US coverage of the 11 September 2001 attacks. Adapted from the source document.

Hollywood's nuclear weapons laboratory -- Colonels, cameras, and security clearances -- Strategies of containment : Lookout Mountain's oceanic operations -- Sense and sensibilities : Lookout Mountain's Operation Ivy -- Routine reports : the Nevada films -- The vectors of America : missile films -- Engineering geographies : arctic and space films -- The Vietnamization of the Cold War camera -- Mushroom cloud cameras -- Closure.

Ein zeitgemäe︣r Zugang zu Hannah Arendts Denken - In der heutigen Zeit denken viele, dass wir mit weniger statt mehr Politik besser dran wären. Ned O?Gorman sieht das anders. Mit Hannah Arendt argumentiert er für ein Mehr an Politik. Politik ist für Arendt nicht die letztgültige Lösung für das gedankenlos Böse, doch stellt sie ein wichtiges Gegenmittel dar IBM weil sie uns dazu aufruft, mit anderen, die sich von uns unterscheiden, zu reden. Politik besteht in der Auseinandersetzung mit Menschen, die anders sind als wir, in der Einbeziehung anderer Sichtweisen und Bedürfnisse und in der Vermeidung von gedankenlosen Vorurteilen und instinktiven Reaktionen. Was machen wir aus der Tatsache unseres Zusammenlebens? Eben dies ist laut Arendt die entscheidende politische Frage. O?Gorman macht Hannah Arendts Gedankengänge allen verständlich und setzt sie dabei gewinnbringend in Bezug zur heutigen Zeit. (Verlagsinformation)

Violence has been a central feature of America's history, culture, and place in the world. It has taken many forms: from state-sponsored uses of force such as war or law enforcement, to revolution, secession, terrorism and other actions with important political and cultural implications. Religion also holds a crucial place in the American experience of violence, particularly for those who have found order and meaning in their worlds through religious texts, symbols, rituals, and ideas. Yet too often the religious dimensions of violence, especially in the American context, are ignored or overstated—in either case, poorly understood. From Jeremiad to Jihad: Religion, Violence, and America corrects these misunderstandings. Charting and interpreting the tendrils of religion and violence, this book reveals how formative moments of their intersection in American history have influenced the ideas, institutions, and identities associated with the United States. Religion and violence provide crucial yet underutilized lenses for seeing America anew—including its outlook on, and relation to, the world