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Weak rule of law, corruption and political risk are factors found to deter foreign direct investment (FDI) and all are characteristics of Cambodia's investment environment. Yet Chinese outward FDI has been found to contradict these general trends, as illustrated by high levels of Chinese investment in Cambodia. This article analyses how Chinese firms are able to successfully invest in Cambodia and finds that variation in ownership type (state owned or private), investment size and the degree of mobility of the assets invested determine the Chinese investor's strategy. For China's state owned enterprises (SOEs) in the hydropower sector, Chinese government support in the form of aid and loans to the government of Cambodia secures approval and protection for investments. Private Chinese firms with smaller and more mobile investments in Cambodia's garment industry, on the other hand, rely on industry-wide collective action facilitated by cultural and linguistic ties both to other ethnically Chinese foreign investors and to Chinese Cambodians in the industry. Finally, in the land and resource sector, Chinese firms secure a politically connected local stakeholder to gain approval and protection for large investments. (Contemp Southeast Asia/GIGA)

Frontmatter -- Contents -- Acknowledgments -- Introduction -- 1 The Scottish Enlightenment, the Moral Sense, and the Civilizing Process -- 2 Burke and the Scottish Enlightenment -- 3 Wollstonecraft and the Scottish Enlightenment -- 4 "The Most Important of All Revolutions" -- 5 Vindicating a Revolution in Morals and Manners -- 6 Burke on Democracy as the Death of Western Civilization -- 7 Wollstonecraft on Democracy as the Birth of Western Civilization -- Conclusion -- Bibliography -- Index

The "ASEAN Way" is based on the principle of consensus; any individual member state effectively has a veto over any proposal with which it disagrees. Dividing ASEAN and Conquering the South China Sea analyzes how China uses its influence to divide ASEAN countries in order to prevent them from acting collectively to resolve their territorial disputes with China in the South China Sea. Using comparative case studies of China's relations with Cambodia, the Philippines, and Myanmar, O'Neill argues that the regime type in the country with which China is interacting plays an important role in enhancing or constraining China's ability to influence the governments of developing states within ASEAN and globally. Authoritarian institutions facilitate Chinese influence while democratic institutions inhibit that influence. O'Neill argues that as long as ASEAN includes developing, authoritarian regimes, and given that the United States and other global powers are unlikely to risk any serious conflict over each push of China's maritime boundaries, little by little, China will assert its sovereignty over the South China Sea. Nevertheless, noting the long-term, global trend of states democratizing, he contends that if China chooses to engage in more sophisticated bilateral politics, such as providing incentives to a broader range of interest groups in democratic states, then China will have more success in projecting its power globally

"Edmund Burke, long considered modern conservatism's founding father, is also widely believed to be an opponent of empire. However, Daniel O'Neill turns that latter belief on its head. This fresh and innovative book shows that Burke was a passionate supporter and staunch defender of the British Empire in the eighteenth century, whether in the New World, India, or Ireland. Moreover--and against a growing body of contemporary scholarship that rejects the very notion that Burke was an exemplar of conservatism--O'Neill demonstrates that Burke's defense of empire was in fact ideologically consistent with his conservative opposition to the French Revolution. Burke's logic of empire relied on two opposing but complementary theoretical strategies: Ornamentalism, which stressed cultural similarities between "civilized" societies, as he understood them, and Orientalism, which stressed the putative cultural differences distinguishing "savage" societies from their "civilized" counterparts. This incisive book also shows that Burke's argument had lasting implications, as his development of these two justifications for empire prefigured later intellectual defenses of British imperialism"--Provided by publisher

The conflict between Prime Minister Hun Sen's Cambodian People's Party and opposition leader Sam Rainsy's Cambodian National Rescue Party continued throughout 2016, with Rainsy remaining in self-imposed exile in France and the government making numerous arrests of opponents who remained in Cambodia. With the 2018 National Assembly elections on the horizon, Hun Sen appeared to be cracking down on and dividing the opposition in an effort to prevent a repeat of the strong CNRP electoral performance in 2013.

The political compromise and cooperation established in 2014 between Prime Minister Hun Sen's long-ruling Cambodian People's Party and opposition leader Sam Rainsy's Cambodian National Rescue Party (CNRP) continued into 2015, highlighted by electoral reforms in March. However, by mid-year, CNRP criticism of Hun Sen led to a crackdown and the self-imposed exile of Rainsy and other high-ranking members of the opposition.

Kazakhstan lacks the democratic institutions that have been shown to protect foreign investors (Jensen, 2008; Li & Resnick, 2003). Nevertheless, as latecomers to globalization, China's resource-seeking state-owned enterprises (SOEs) must go, not only where resources are, but also where they are available. These are often less than ideal investment environments, such as Kazakhstan, where they are confronted by high corruption, weak rule of law, and political risk. Focusing on investments by the China National Petroleum Corporation (CNPC), this study analyzes how Chinese foreign economic policies, such as aid and loans, assist Chinese SOEs in securing protection for their investments. They do so by making key members of the Kazakh government stakeholders in the success of the investments. In addition, the study details how Chinese government strategy has evolved from one of simply buying off key members of the Kazakh government in order to gain approval for investments to one of making institutions in the Kazakh state, such as KazMunaiGas, stakeholders in the long-term success of the investment in order to secure protection for investments in a climate of political uncertainty.