Suchergebnisse

In this article the theoretical conflations associated with the concept of social exclusion are disaggregated into a number of competing versions in terms of their social scientific and normative bases. The types of policy, analysis and critique that are engendered by these conceptions of exclusion are examined for their underlying social scientific methodology. The disjunction between positive, interpretative and critical approaches to social exclusion can only satisfactorily be broached by a methodology utilising a critical realist framework. This framework requires the integration of a theorised dialectical linkage between inclusion and exclusion. The necessary conceptual prerequisites are outlined for modelling inclusion and exclusion in a substantive, contextually sensitive manner that enables critical assessment.

The processes of three area-based initiatives relating to health provision, urban and neighbourhood renewal in Luton are used to examine whether political participation affects social exclusion. Government policies presume that increased participation reduces exclusion, while critical literature questions the type of participation produced in state initiatives, and also whether the discourse of exclusion adequately articulates social inequality. Participation is analysed in its relations to power, the political and to a social typology. Exclusion is analysed by delineating its contested meaning, and developing a dialectical model of inclusion and exclusion, that enables exclusion to be prefigured both as an analytical concept and as a critical component for exploring inequality. This thesis explores the processes of participation and exclusion via voluntary and community groups by presenting a predominantly qualitative analysis of the frameworks and processes of participation and the circumstances and experiences of exclusion. The study finds that: • The participation of the voluntary and community groups in the initiatives was on an unequal basis with the statutory sector, it was constrained by bureaucratic procedures, and led to a combative relationship between the sectors in two of the initiatives. • The voluntary and community sectors -elements of which are here characterised as "remedial movements" -had some effects on micro-and mesolevel processes, but no direct effect on macro-policy that controls the initiatives. Participation in the groups and initiatives faced a number of structural dilemmas. • Social exclusion in the areas was heterogeneous, but associated with the lack of interactional processes that enable inclusion. The range of experiences of exclusion demonstrated what I shall define as an "inequality of capabilities for inclusion". The research concludes that participation via initiatives does not necessarily result in the total incorporation of the voluntary and community sector, and claims for rights to be recognised had both achieved gains and reflected an antagonistic, if complementary, approach by some groups to the state. If the aim is to increase participation, however, the evidence implies that it needs to be consistently driven; that while the initiatives have affected exclusion, their effects have been limited and are fragile, and that reducing inequality is necessary to enable inclusive participation.

The road to policy-engaged research in Northern Ireland has not been smooth. In January 2017 the devolved government at the Stormont Assembly collapsed and devolution was not restored until January 2020. Political turmoil resurfaced in February 2022, with the collapse of the Executive. Trying to engage with and influence policy during these periods has been difficult, but necessary to achieve research impact and demonstrate the utility of data access for research purposes, thus supporting the acquisition of further datasets. This required a paradigm shift in the way research programmes were conceived of and delivered; i.e. away from largely curiosity-based research for academic interest and benefit and towards one that necessitated a more direct engagement and involvement of the government departments and data owners who would benefit from better evidence generated by administrative data research, and incorporate this evidence into their policymaking and service provision.
Aligning the academic and policy agenda increased the likelihood of successful data acquisition, the prerequisite for research success and subsequent research impact. It also creates a more stable environment for data research to flourish, even in challenging political circumstances.
This presentation will detail the approach developed by researchers and engagement professionals in Northern Ireland during political and governmental collapse to embed and enhance the potential impact that data research can have on policy by supporting the design and development of research that answers the questions most relevant to policymakers whilst also maintaining academic independence and integrity. It will offer suggestions for engaging and involving political representatives and policymakers, and for creating a resilient, robust and sustainable approach to policy impact that can withstand shifting political sands, based on recognised best practice of embedded engagement built to develop and maintain trust.

Focusing on policy impact without a functioning regional devolved government required Administrative Data Research Centre Northern Ireland (ADRC NI) researchers and staff to develop new ways of influencing policy and practice in Northern Ireland. The development of a co-production model with policymakers, service providers and third sector representatives has embedded pathways to impact within research programmes, to great success. This paper describes the efforts of the ADRC NI to influence policy and practice, in Northern Ireland in challenging political circumstances, outlining the context, approach, processes, strengths, challenges and lessons for the future.

Focusing on policy impact without a functioning regional devolved government required Administrative Data Research Centre Northern Ireland (ADRC NI) researchers and staff to develop new ways of influencing policy and practice in Northern Ireland. The development of a co-production model with policymakers, service providers and third sector representatives has embedded pathways to impact within research programmes, to great success. This paper describes the efforts of the ADRC NI to influence policy and practice, in Northern Ireland in challenging political circumstances, outlining the context, approach, processes, strengths, challenges and lessons for the future.

Focusing on policy impact without a functioning regional devolved government required Administrative Data Research Centre Northern Ireland (ADRC NI) researchers and staff to develop new ways of influencing policy and practice in Northern Ireland. The development of a co-production model with policymakers, service providers and third sector representatives has embedded pathways to impact within research programmes, to great success. This paper describes the efforts of the ADRC NI to influence policy and practice, in Northern Ireland in challenging political circumstances, outlining the context, approach, processes, strengths, challenges and lessons for the future.

IntroductionSuicide is a major public health concern and identifying those most at risk is vital to ensure the implementation of effective interventions. There are known associations between parental and sibling mental health but little is known on the effect of parental mental on a child's risk of death by suicide.
Objectives and ApproachThis population-wide data linkage study utilised data from the 2011 Northern Ireland Census linked to 5 years' death records (2011-2015) to construct multi-level regression models to determine if children living with parents with poor self-rated mental health are at an increased risk of poor mental health themselves and whether they are at an increased risk of death by suicide.
ResultsOf the 618,970 individuals who live with their parents, 13.7% live with parents with poor mental health, 11.6% have poor mental health themselves and 0.1% (n=225) died by suicide. Living with a parent with poor mental health was associated with likelihood of poor mental health in children. After adjustment for age, gender, physical illness, socio-economic status and own mental health status, children with 1 parent with poor mental health were 67% more likely to die by suicide compared to children of parents with good mental health (OR=1.67, 95%CI 1.19, 2.33). The effect size increases for children living with 2 parents with poor mental health.
Conclusion/ImplicationsParental mental health is associated with a child's suicide risk even after adjustment for their own mental health status. This is an at-risk group.

BackgroundThe UK National Breast Screening Programme is estimated to reduce breast cancer mortality by 20%. To maximise the benefits of the programme, we first need to understand the underlying factors contributing to variations in screening uptake. One potentially significant factor which may contribute to these gradients in screening uptake is poor mental health.
ObjectivesThe objectives of this study were to examine the impact of poor mental health on breast screening uptake, and whether this explained any of the previously observed socio-demographic gradients in screening uptake.
MethodsBreast screening records were obtained from the National Breast Screening System (NBSS) and were subsequently linked to 2011 Census data within the Northern Ireland Longitudinal Study (NILS). The NILS encompasses 28\% of Census data. This was then linked to psychotropic prescribing information from the Enhanced Prescribing Database (EPD), to produce a de-identified research dataset containing 57,328 women.
FindingsWomen with self-reported poor mental health were over 20% less likely to attend screening compared to their counterparts who didn't have poor mental health. Using psychotropic prescribing information as a proxy for the presence of mental illness yielded similar results, with those taking anxiolytics, antipsychotics or hypnotics in the three months before screening invitation significantly less likely to attend than those who were not.
ConclusionWomen with poor mental health were significantly less likely to attend breast screening. However, poor mental health did not explain any of the previously determined socio-demographic gradients in screening uptake.