Politically (in)different? political engagement among ethnic minority young people -- Changing political participation -- Research design and methodology -- Grammars of political action -- Participatory governance -- "Race", culture and representation: the changing contours of identity politics -- Gendered roles, spaces and political activism -- The political geography of ethnicity and religion in young people's political engagement -- Conclusion
In: O'Toole , T 2022 , ' The political inclusion of British Muslims: from multiculturalism to muscular liberalism ' , Ethnicities , vol. 22 , no. 4 , pp. 589-602 . https://doi.org/10.1177/14687968221085258
In this paper, I address the implications of the Prevent and associated Counter Extremism agendas for the accommodation of Muslims in British public life, by examining: modes of governing areas of Muslim settlement; the schooling of British Muslims; the introduction of forms of sousveillance of Muslims within public institutions; and the framing of integration, British values and equalities through the Counter Extremism agenda. I argue that these agendas are underpinned by an ideological retreat from a pluralistic approach to recognising and accommodating minority religions, to a more 'muscular liberal' approach, that seeks to defend a particular set of 'fundamental British values', and implicitly asserts an identitarian form of Christian majoritarianism that limits the conditions for the political inclusion of British Muslims. I argue, though, that it is important to recognise the incomplete nature of civic integration as a governing project, due to the assemblages of different governance actors, professional norms and competing agendas that characterise the fields of governance through which civic integration is implemented.
In: Lewicki , A & O'Toole , T 2017 , ' Acts and Practices of Citizenship : Muslim Women's Activism in the UK ' , Ethnic and Racial Studies , vol. 40 , no. 1 , pp. 152-171 . https://doi.org/10.1080/01419870.2016.1216142
Drawing on the growing literature on Muslim women's activism, this paper explores grammars of action that frame political mobilizations of Muslim women in the UK. By taking a broad view of political activism, we identify acts and practices of citizenship through which Muslim women activists engage with, reinterpret and challenge social norms. The article critically engages with dominant readings of post-migration minorities' political mobilization through the lens of citizenship regimes and draws attention to more processual and agency-centred perspectives on citizenship. We focus on two salient themes that Bristol-based Muslim activists were concerned with: mobilizing against violence against women, manifested in the anti-FGM campaign by Integrate Bristol, and attempts to re-negotiate the terms of participation in religious spaces, manifested in claims for more inclusive mosques. In both instances, mobilization was not confined to the local community or national level, but supported by and embedded in related transnational struggles.
Drawing on the growing literature on Muslim women's activism, this paper explores grammars of action that frame political mobilizations of Muslim women in the UK. By taking a broad view of political activism, we identify acts and practices of citizenship through which Muslim women activists engage with, reinterpret and challenge social norms. The article critically engages with dominant readings of post-migration minorities' political mobilization through the lens of citizenship regimes and draws attention to more processual and agency-centred perspectives on citizenship. We focus on two salient themes that Bristol-based Muslim activists were concerned with: mobilizing against violence against women, manifested in the anti-FGM campaign by Integrate Bristol, and attempts to re-negotiate the terms of participation in religious spaces, manifested in claims for more inclusive mosques. In both instances, mobilization was not confined to the local community or national level, but supported by and embedded in related transnational struggles.
The report, Public Faith and Finance, highlights the role and contributions of faith organisations in responding to the financial crisis and austerity politics. Based on research carried out by Dr Therese O'Toole and Dr Ekaterina Braginskaia at the Centre for the Study of Ethnicity and Citizenship at the University of Bristol, the report examines how faith organisations from across faith traditions are: providing forms of assistance to those experiencing financial hardship; engaging in activism and campaigning to reform financial products and services; advocating or providing alternative faith-based or ethical forms of finance. In a context of welfare retrenchment and increasing financial exclusion, faith organisations, including from minority faiths, are not just plugging the gaps, but setting out alternative and often innovative approaches to welfare and economic justice.
International audience ; Despite public and media attention on ethnic minority young people's political engagement in recent times, often expressed in crisis narratives about disengagement, disaffection or extremism, there has been little consideration of the range, or distinctive forms, of political action among ethnic minority young people. The purpose of this article is to address this by presenting qualitative research on political activism among ethnic minority young in Birmingham and Bradford. We find evidence for 'new grammars of action' and highly 'glocal' (as distinct from transnational and diasporic) political orientations among the activists with whom we worked, as well as the significance of religious (as distinct from ethnic) identities in informing some activists' political engagements. We conclude that whilst there is evidence for changing political subjectivities, there is a need to take account of the interplay between old and new grammars of political action.
Despite public and media attention on ethnic minority young people's political engagement in recent times, often expressed in crisis narratives about disengagement, disaffection or extremism, there has been little consideration of the range, or distinctive forms, of political action among ethnic minority young people. The purpose of this article is to address this by presenting qualitative research on political activism among ethnic minority young in Birmingham and Bradford. We find evidence for 'new grammars of action' and highly 'glocal' (as distinct from transnational and diasporic) political orientations among the activists with whom we worked, as well as the significance of religious (as distinct from ethnic) identities in informing some activists' political engagements. We conclude that whilst there is evidence for changing political subjectivities, there is a need to take account of the interplay between old and new grammars of political action.
Aims to establish how young people understand and live politics, using innovative research methods. This book concludes that young people are alienated, rather than apathetic, and that their interests and concerns are addressed within mainstream political institutions
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This report explores the emergence of Building the Bridge, an organisation that was established to implement the previous Government's Prevent agenda. Commentators have argued that the city of Bristol managed to turn the implementation of Prevent into a genuine collaboration between public authorities and Bristol's Muslim communities, which manifested itself in the re-branding of Prevent as 'Building the Bridge'. Building the Bridge emerged as a participatory mechanism for community engagement that established a new institutionalised relationship between Bristol City Council, the Police, various statutory agencies and Bristol's diverse Muslim community. Building the Bridge was widely celebrated as a story of local success and a model of good practice, particularly in comparison with how Prevent had been implemented and received elsewhere. Our research examined in greater detail to what extent Building the Bridge facilitated a genuinely participatory engagement between public authorities and Bristol's Muslim communities. In this report, we discuss our findings regarding the organisations' dynamics of participation and representation, the kinds of activities initiated by Building the Bridge, and offer some reflections on a possible future for Building the Bridge, beyond Prevent. Although its activities were chiefly concerned with the overall aim of preventing violent extremism, Building the Bridge enabled interventions that addressed some key community grievances and facilitated the engagement of young people, women and mosque communities in the city. For a short period of time, Prevent funding enabled a regulated form of community engagement, some of which has continued even after the withdrawal of resources.